Suchergebnisse

The author has made an attempt to theoretically - by referring to empirical evidence - formulate the necessary conditions that allow participatory processes to happen. In this perspective, participation is not only an ethical requirement but primarily a mechanism that supports taking up the challenges posed by the increasing complexity of the social world. The examples presented in the article show that participation has a very strong 'competitor': clientelism. In the spaces where the latter forms the base of the relations between the government and society, it is difficult to find a well-rooted and sustainable presence of participatory processes. The author thus presents a hypothesis that the logic of clientelism, together with the lack of the ability to recognise the importance of resource interdependence, has the ability to weaken participation, or in other words, wash it out in a specific way. Clientelism strives to maximise the control over resources. This can, in some cases, support the realisation of development goals or be effective in particular governmental arrangements (e.g. the transformation in Poland in the 90s of the 20th century), however, it also deepens the passivity and in the long run can lead to a decrease in the value of some resources or even their loss. In this context, participation is thus understood mainly as an expression of caring for the owned and acquired resources and as the recognition of their interdependence.

The author analyses the factors that weaken the influence of the principles of meritocracy on the institutions and public policy. He indicates that a meritocratic approach to governance in the programming of public actions has become a resource for obtaining legitimacy of power in Poland to a limited extent. The advantages of meritocracy (the "efficiency" and "justice") have not been exploited on a significant scale. As a result, there is a significant illegitimacy of the democratic system, as well as the weakening of the society identification with the state. This phenomenon is characterized by low prestige of politicians and a poor voter turnout. The author draws attention to the fact that meritocratic management mechanisms of public institutions in Poland are significantly reduced due to numerous factors - the appropriation of the state by political parties, institutional nomadism of the elite, the rules of political capitalism, a soft state and the institutionalization of non-responsibility or activities of various interest groups and backstage actors of politics.

This article examines the role of trust in decision-making processes, which involves major interest groups, representing the world of work and business. This process is often referred to as the concept of social dialogue, which is generally defined as all forms of negotiation and consultation between the trade unions and employers and the state. In this formula, dialogue can be regarded as a mechanism of public policy making. The first part of the article is a short presentation of links between social dialogue and public policies. The second part addresses the issue of trust, which is a prerequisite for high quality and effective social dialogue. The quality and effectiveness of dialogue are correlated with the price, which participants have to pay for taking part in the dialogue and its outcomes. This is an issue of transaction costs, which are determined by "trust capital". The third part examines contribution of trust to the cost effect of social dialogue. The study concludes with a presentation of the research, conducted among trade unionists and employers who have, inter alia, assessed the role of trust in dialogue.

The aim of the study is to analyze the issues of midterm and snap elections during the COVID-19 pandemic in Poland. In particular, the nature of such elections was considered. Numerous restrictions including, for example, the prohibition of assembling or movement of people, had an impact on the course and implementation of the basic functions of elections. The aim of the paper is also to determine whether, in the light of the applicable regulations, it is permissible to change the date of voting in the ordered local elections during the COVID-19 pandemic. It should be noted that in the period from March to April 2020, and then from November 2020 to June 2021, this practice became almost universal. The resolution of this problem is of significant importance, as each act ordering elections should guarantee the holding of elections within a strictly defined time and, moreover, every action of the proper body should be based on legal provisions. The practice of postponing voting in local elections, which occurred during the pandemic, weakened the so understood (as of a guarantee) nature of the act of ordering elections, at the same time inspiring a discussion on the legal admissibility of such actions. In this study, the formal and legal method was used and the achievements of the doctrine and judicature were analyzed.

Social dialogue focusing on the problems of work does not deliver a sufficient area of communication for all citizens. It is important, therefore, to note that civil dialogue develops and permits to look at social problems in a wider manner as well as to include various partners to decisions made by the public authorities. Therefore, the aim of this paper is to present civil dialogue in a theoretical and practical way. For that reason, making the detailed objectives of the study, we turn our attention to the relationship between social and civil dialogue, as well as the methods of civil dialogue. In the second section we wish to investigate one of these methods – namely, public consultation in a theoretical way. The third part of this paper describes a case study analysing an information meeting over the Lower Silesian participatory budget. In the final section we conclude our reflections about civil dialogue. The paper uses data from scientific literature, acts as well as the case study – observations and interviews with the participants of the consultative meeting.

Artykuł stanowi próbę wprowadzenia refleksji nad procesem radykalizacji do polskiego świata nauki. Autor obszernie omawia różne sposoby definiowania tego procesu oraz dokonuje przeglądu istniejących modeli teoretycznych. Trzon artykułu stanowi analiza danych pochodzących z Europejskiego Sondażu Wartości, w której zbadano związki pomiędzy radykalizacją a cechami społeczno-demograficznymi, przekonaniami politycznymi i gospodarczymi, a także poglądami na temat demokracji.

The article is focused on the issue of the representation of interests in the process of shaping public policies. In particular, it addresses issues related to regulatory management regarding relations with interest groups and strategies used by stakeholders in consultation processes. In addition, we aim to discuss the role that interest groups play in public policies. The analysis concerns the activities of Polish interest groups in the area of copyright, which deserves attention due to the diversity of actors and the asymmetry of interests. The analysis makes it possible to state that the actions taken by stakeholders in strengthening the representation of their interests lead to "overrepresentation" of these interests, which - in the absence of appropriate regulatory management mechanisms for the participation of parties in consultations - increases the risk of the phenomenon of "regulatory capture" by entities. The data was collected as part of the legislative monitoring of drafts of legal-copyright laws proceeded in 2013-2019, as well as semi-structured interviews conducted in 2015-2018. In order to illustrate lobbying strategies, a method of analyzing social networks was used.

The author addresses the social participation issue in the context of its significance to public policy in Poland. He examines the barriers limiting the expansion of participation. He notices them in the way a democracy functions ("failed democracy" according to Democracy Index), as well as in the way the dialogue has been organised (for example, two separate currents have been established - i.e. the social one and the civic one, which is quite unusual by Western European standards). He regards the politicians' perception of what a democracy is as a next barrier. As a result of that one can see lower standards of public sphere in place, antiquated public governance still in place, the underdevelopment of the legal framework for social dialogue and the low quality of policy-making. The author also describes the most important social phenomena relating to the functioning of the social and civic dialogue mechanisms. He analyses the sources of the current condition of the dialogue in terms of historical, structural as well as political factors.

Ergebnisse der Bundestagswahlen vom 6.3.1983 in der Bundesrepublik. Erläuterung der programmatischen Position der beiden Kanzlerkandidaten im Wahlkampf,Analyse der durch das Wahlergebnis bestätigten politischen Wandlung und Einschätzung der neuen Kursrichtung in Wirtschafts- und Außenpolitik. Interpretative Auswertung aus polnischer Sicht. BIOst/Crp

The author analyses the pattern of governance of the right-wing parties in Poland between 2015 and 2019. It bears many features of a concentration of powers as a method of achieving desired goals in the sphere of political competition and public policy along with the use of informal components. The manifestation of concentration of power is centralisation, understood as the transfer of functions of the state from the lower (in particular local government) levels to the higher, as well as strong interference of the central government in many areas of public life that previously remained apolitical.

Politische und theoretische Auseinandersetzungen um die parteiliche Kulturpolitik zwischen Regierung,Journalisten,Schriftstellern,Künstlern und Wissenschaftlern im Rahmen des Kongresses der polnischen Kultur am 11.12.1981. BIOst/Crp

This article presents conclusions from observation of the first Citizens' Assembly organized in Wrocław (Poland) in 2020. The analysis starts with placing the panel within the most recent developments in a democratic theory followed by an empirical case study based on covert non-participant observation, document analysis and personal interviews. In conclusion, the paper shows that while citizens' assembly is a promising method for engaging citizens in decision-making process, it poses numerous challenges, especially in terms of framing, organizing and moderating the educational and deliberative stages of the process.

Die Sozialdoktrin der Katholischen Kirche nach dem Stand des Jahres 1983. Entwicklung des katholischen sozialen Denkens bei Johannes Paul II. und Probleme der modernen Arbeitswelt und der Entfremdung in den päpstlichen Deutungen. Interpretativer Kommentar zur neuen Strategie des Vatikans als Reaktion auf die Krise der weltlichen Kultur aus polnisch-atheistischer Sicht. BIOst/Crp

The article discusses the electoral system in the time of the COVID-19 pandemic. Elections are the process of citizens electing their representatives for specific positions. In this context, the method and principles of conducting the election are important, so that its fundamental rule - universality - is preserved. Although more than a dozen electoral regulations were in force since 1989 and the traditional model of voting at a polling station was still in place, the Polish legislator also provided for postal and proxy voting. Due to the risk related to the COVID-19 pandemic, it would seem that changes to the Polish Electoral Code will be necessary. The adaptation of the new provisions to the Constitution of the Republic of Poland of 1997, however, turned out to be too ambitious a task for the domestic legislator. Therefore, the Act of April 6, 2020 on the special rules for holding general elections for the President of the Republic of Poland, ordered in 2020, did not enter into force finally, because the functioning of a democratic state ruled by law requires that fundamental rights and civil liberties, including electoral ones be guaranteed. This study is empirical in nature - it is a case study of a specific legislative action shown in a comparative approach on the example of Poland and the United States of America.

This article is a contribution to the decades of disputes and reflections on civil society and its future. Since a large part of the fears and hopes associated with these discussions concerns the role of young people in supporting and developing civil society, the aim of this article is to present the results of a quantitative study conducted among the Jagiellonian University students belonging to the Z generation. Thanks to the fact that the survey combines questions concerning civic attitudes and civic engagement, the study grasps the specific characteristics of young people, which are often overlooked, and their possible impact on the future of civil society. Drawing attention to the young people who are university students and analyzing the relationship between the respondents' civility and their socio-cultural environment, the article answers the questions concerning the opportunities for the further development of civil society in Poland and the role of the young generation of Polish residents in this process. In particular, following the quantitative analysis of the responses of 149 participants, the article presents a discussion on the most common types of civic engagement, their relationship with the civic attitudes of the respondents and the impact of the socio-demographic characteristics of the respondents on these variables.