Suchergebnisse

Political behavior research starts from the assumption that democracy cannot function properly without citizens' political involvement. In general, studies of political activism aim to understand democratic processes, focusing on the nature of the relationship between citizens and public authorities. Despite a relatively large number of studies devoted to this research topic, many controversies remain regarding political participation in contemporary democracies. What is the optimal level of political engagement in a democracy and the consequences, how do citizens get involved in political processes, and what factors best explain the differences between participants and non-participants, respectively? These questions guide the study of the relationship between political participation and democracy in the present book.

The paper explores the merits of Protagoras' view of politics as a possible intellectual source of the post-communist theory of democracy. Unbeknownst to themselves, Romanian politicians and political scientist tend to understand the function of politics in the footsteps of Plato and Lenin, as an art, or science of leadership. Interested mainly in the effectiveness of government, they give no significant heed to the issue of rights and liberties. The great discourse of Protagoras of Abdera could supply, in a normative way, the conceptual tools for a different approach to politics, as a pedagogical rhetoric of legal and political equality.

The article surveys the various stances taken in interwar Romania towards the contemporary international - particularly French - trends of legal and political theory meant at counteracting the shortcomings manifested by the legislative patterns of Napoleonic provenance when confronted with the exigencies of expanding associational life and the need of growing state intervention in the sphere of the relations between economic factors. The crisscrossing visions of federalist syndicalism and, respectively, juridical socialism - exposed most conspicuously by the legal philosophers Léon Duguit and Emmanuel Lévy - are shown to receive various evaluations in the local milieu, from the part of authors connected with the leading journal of the Romanian Social Institute and otherwise (and always by reference to the predicament of social reform in the national space). It is highlighted that the impact of the ideas involved in the debate was broader and more diffuse than one could assume when taking into consideration only the outspoken - and partly obsolete - objectives and premises of the argumentations in question.

In the article the author tackles a contemporary issue that is important for institutional strengthening of the Republic of Moldova. Developing a mechanism for efficient interaction of institutions of state power with political parties, ruling ones and in opposition, with the groups of interests, especially those institutional and associative, represents a strategic objective for the Republic of Moldova. Assessing institutions with "rules of the game", the contemporary political science updates the significance of the Constitution for organisation and good unfolding of the political process, for ensuring stability and at the same time dynamism of the socio-political system. The conclusions of the investigation of complex issues like dynamic political processes, functionality of political institutions in conditions of instability / political crisis, contain an educational, instructive message, important for the political actors of the Moldovan society.

Europa steht an einem historischen Wendepunkt. Die Krise ist vielschichtig geworden und manch einer läutet dem Gesamtprojekt »Europa« schon die Totenglocke. Was würden Sie vermissen, wenn es Europa nicht mehr gäbe? Europäerinnen und Europäer aus acht Ländern haben sich in einem gemeinsamen Projekt diese Frage gestellt. Frauen und Männer aus der Arbeitswelt, aus Unternehmen und Gewerkschaften, der Wissenschaft und aus der Bildung haben wichtige europäische Fragen vor ihrem jeweiligen persönlichen und kulturellen Hintergrund ausführlich diskutiert. All diese gemeinsam handelnden Menschen sind Europa, und sie sind sich viel näher und haben viel mehr gemeinsam, als manche Apologeten des Untergangs zu wissen scheinen. Diese zwischenmenschlichen Begegnungen und Gespräche machen Europa auf eine ganz andere Weise erfahrbar als Berichte aus Brüssel. Deshalb umfasst das Buch alle vier Texte der Autoren in insgesamt sieben Sprachen, die man nicht alle verstehen muss, aber vergleichen und einander gegenüberstellen kann. Die Menschen Europas haben mühsam eine gemeinsame Kultur- und Sozialgeschichte erworben – Sie haben Europa längst geschaffen. Das Buch"stellt, alles in allem, eine anregende und bereichernde Lektüre dar, die zugrundeliegende Idee ist überzeugend, das Buch ansprechend gestaltet. Die Autoren erheben ihre Stimmen, sprechen Beobachtungen und Warnungen aus, und zeigen aktuelle sowie historische Kontexte auf. Angesichts der prekären Lage Europas, der rapiden politischen Veränderungen und Entwicklungen erscheint das Buch jedoch an manchen Stellen in Gestus und Nomenklatur recht antiquiert. Wie funktionabel und tragfähig beispielsweise sind die zitierten Konzepte von Utopie und Bildung? Kann politische Bildung tatsächlich noch ihre Kraft und Legitimation aus Begriffen und ideellen Gehalten der Kritischen Theorie beziehen? Welchen aktuellen Status haben Termini wie "sozialer Kampf" und "Gleichheit"? Wie kann sich die Herstellung von Würde als Norm konkret gestalten? Wo und in welcher Weise zeigt sich die als Richtschnur imaginierte Würde realiter? Wie ist es um einen Begriff wie Identität bestellt – im persönlichen wie im kollektiven Zusammenhang?" (literaturkritik.de)

This study aims to answer the question whether Christian Orthodoxy can inspire political movements. In so doing we start from the political theories of modernity where the link between Christianity and democracy is central. Our result sounds unexpected: interaction between Orthodoxy and democracy seems to not have a perspective. It is too late for it since most political movements in post-communism do not have the religious identity of their members as criterion. The situation was not different before. As an example the effort of the orthodox theologians and laymen in Romania before the outbreak of the Second World War is quoted here. Almost without an exception all focused and restricted their interest on the question of the nation. Therein we see the principal reason for the above postulated perspective of an orthodox political doctrine until now. On the European level the situation looks also no better. Even the parties, which attribute themselves the Christian values, have at present large difficulties to convey their message. It remains only to hope that the political actors rediscover the social and actively support the Christian ethics in the public area. Only so can democracy be regarded as one of the most important binding forces also under the Christians.