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ABSTRACTThis paper develops two indicators of gender inequality: for political gender inequality, percent female members in the legislature; for economic gender inequality, male/female wage ratios. Nineteen capitalist polyarchies are compared with respect to these indicators. The comparison reveals substantial cross‐national differences in politico‐economic gender inequality. Possible reasons for the observed cross‐national differences in politico‐economic gender inequality are discussed, and the suggested explanatory variables are evaluated through multiple regression analysis. The findings suggest an answer to the question of why capitalist polyarchies differ in the extent of their politico‐economic gender inequalities. The answer consists of an assertion of a spill‐over from high female labour market participation to relatively gender‐neutral political and economic indicators. Within the economic sphere the spill‐over is facilitated by the strength of socialist parties. In politics, however, political institutions interfere with the asserted spill‐over. Electoral systems constitute different institutional barriers: as a consequence of their different modes of operation, female access to the legislatures becomes efficiently blocked in plurality systems, whereas proportional representation allows the spill‐over to occur.

In dem Beitrag wird das Polyarchie-Konzept Robert A. Dahls diskutiert. Zunächst werden Polyarchie und Demokratie definitorisch voneinander unterschieden, indem die zentralen Thesen des Konzepts den Vorstellungen von idealer Demokratie gegenübergestellt werden. Das Polyarchie-Konzept wird in der Tradition repräsentativer Demokratietheorien betrachtet und im Kontext empirischer Demokratietheorien untersucht. Das Problem direkter und indirekter Kontrolle wird diskutiert. Polyarchien werden außerdem als pluralistische Systeme interpretiert. Zur Analyse des Konzepts wird zwischen den Ebenen der Deskription und der Explanation unterschieden. Die definitorischen Merkmale polyarchischer Systeme werden aufgezeigt. Entstehung und Bestand von Polyarchien werden erörtert. Abschließend erfolgt die Kritik am Polyarchie-Konzept auf drei Ebenen: Kritik an (1) den Prämissen und ihren normativen Implikationen; (2) der logischen Konsistenz der Theorie, (3) der empirischen Überprüfung der Hypothesen. Trotz der Kritik wird das Konzept als ein wertvoller Beitrag zur empirischen Demokratietheorie bewertet. (RW)

Two indices are proposed for inequality of the sexes: for political inequality -- % F members in the legislature; for economic inequality -- M/F wage ratios. These indices are used to compare 19 capitalist polyarchies, revealing substantial cross-national differences. Multiple regression analysis is used to examine possible explanations. It appears that there is a spillover from high F LF participation to relative equality of the sexes. Within the economic sphere, strong socialist parties favor the spillover. In politics, however, electoral systems can create institutional barriers to F access to the legislature; the spillover can occur in systems of proportional representation, but is blocked by plurality systems. 3 Tables, 2 Figures, 24 References. Modified HA.

The political debate in Western polyarchies readily points to a «Parteienstaat», «particrazia», or particracy. Empirical verification, however, is by far more difficult to carry out, though it is a descriptive necessity for further analysis of this phenomenon.An initial attempt to detect the particraties in Western Europe has been performed and revealed two particracies : Belgium and Italy. Other polyarchies have either the cabinet or the president as the most influential actor, an,d some seem to have a real concurrence of approximately equivalent actors. The reliability of this first attempt, however, must be improved.

In this paper, I assume that global intergovernmental organizations (GIGOs) function as "enablers" of interstate liberal politics by way of their multilateral institutional frameworks. To support this view, I recall and adapt the classical concept of "polyarchy," coined in the early 1950s by Robert A. Dahl. It consists of a two-dimensional theoretical construct applicable for measuring the level of liberalization in modern political societies. It follows that the more actors who take part in politics, and the more that institutions allow political opposition, the more open a society (of states) is likely to be. I thus wish to assess and rate the level of "polyarchization" of 23 GIGOs that cover various issue areas and fit some specific criteria (for example, more than one hundred member states from at least three different continents). The methodology section includes a scorecard that I have specially developed to help achieve these research objectives.