Suchergebnisse

Evropske države so se povezale v EU na podlagi nekaterih skupnih temeljnih vrednot med katerima vidno mesto zavzemata demokracija in pravna država. S tem v zvezi sta medijsko zelo izpostavljeni Madžarska in Poljska, ki sta v zadnjem času sprejeli vrsto zakonov, ki nasprotujejo evropskim temeljem. Gradita neliberalno demokracijo, saj naj bi bila po njunem mnenju liberalna preživeta. EU pa pri varovanju svojih vrednot za enkrat ni najbolj uspešna, zato se v nalogi sprašujem, kaj vse bi EU morala postoriti, da bi se države vrnile v evropske okvirje. Pri tem pa ne zagovarjam niti ostrih posegov v posamezno državo, niti ne visokih denarnih sankcij. Skozi nalogo ves čas opozarjam, da je potrebno nasloviti problem pri njegovih vzrokih ter da je nujno, da se med vsemi vpletenimi stranmi vzpostavi dialog ter da se skupaj poišče rešitev in skupno pot naprej. ; European countries have connected into the EU on the grounds of common fundamental values, most notably democracy and the rule of law. In regard to the latter two values, Hungary and Poland attract the most media coverage, as they have in the recent time changed a few laws that contradict the European foundations. In their own words, they are building an illiberal democracy, as they believe that the liberal one is outdated. EU is at present not very successful at protecting its values ; this is why I am wandering in this article what does the EU has to do in order to bring the country back into the European frame. I am not in favour of either any intervention into the country neither am I in favour of the high financial sanctions. Through this piece I am continuously arguing that the problem needs to be addressed at its roots and that all the actors involved need to run a dialogue to find a suitable solution together for a united path forward.

La Guerra Fría ha sido leída tradicionalmente a partir de las confrontaciones (bélicas, ideológicas, económicas, etc.) que implicó, dividiendo gran parte del orbe en bloques antagónicos. No obstante, este conflicto global también debe ser entendido como un factor clave para propiciar el acercamiento entre naciones que históricamente no habían mantenido contactos particularmente estrechos. En este sentido, resulta paradigmática la plétora de intercambios de diversa índole que la Cuba revolucionaria tejió, desde bien temprano, con los distintos países europeos. Pero, además, las tensiones geopolíticas espolearon la visión del intelectual o del artista como un agente cultural comprometido, hermanado con luchas que adquirieron proyección mundial o, cuando menos, internacional. Este monográfico persigue contar estas y otras historias que han sido aún poco transitadas por la crítica y que necesitan, por tanto, de empeños colectivos que nos permitan entender a cabalidad un fenómeno complejo, donde el campo cultural colude permanentemente con las esferas políticas e ideológicas, y donde el enfoque transnacional supone, más que una virtud, una necesidad. ; La Guerra Fría ha sido leída tradicionalmente a partir de las confrontaciones (bélicas, ideológicas, económicas, etc.) que implicó, dividiendo gran parte del orbe en bloques antagónicos. No obstante, este conflicto global también debe ser entendido como un factor clave para propiciar el acercamiento entre naciones que históricamente no habían mantenido contactos particularmente estrechos. En este sentido, resulta paradigmática la plétora de intercambios de diversa índole que la Cuba revolucionaria tejió, desde bien temprano, con los distintos países europeos. Pero, además, las tensiones geopolíticas espolearon la visión del intelectual o del artista como un agente cultural comprometido, hermanado con luchas que adquirieron proyección mundial o, cuando menos, internacional. Este monográfico persigue contar estas y otras historias que han sido aún poco transitadas por la crítica y que necesitan, por tanto, de empeños colectivos que nos permitan entender a cabalidad un fenómeno complejo, donde el campo cultural colude permanentemente con las esferas políticas e ideológicas, y donde el enfoque transnacional supone, más que una virtud, una necesidad. ; La Guerra Fría ha sido leída tradicionalmente a partir de las confrontaciones (bélicas, ideológicas, económicas, etc.) que implicó, dividiendo gran parte del orbe en bloques antagónicos. No obstante, este conflicto global también debe ser entendido como un factor clave para propiciar el acercamiento entre naciones que históricamente no habían mantenido contactos particularmente estrechos. En este sentido, resulta paradigmática la plétora de intercambios de diversa índole que la Cuba revolucionaria tejió, desde bien temprano, con los distintos países europeos. Pero, además, las tensiones geopolíticas espolearon la visión del intelectual o del artista como un agente cultural comprometido, hermanado con luchas que adquirieron proyección mundial o, cuando menos, internacional. Este monográfico persigue contar estas y otras historias que han sido aún poco transitadas por la crítica y que necesitan, por tanto, de empeños colectivos que nos permitan entender a cabalidad un fenómeno complejo, donde el campo cultural colude permanentemente con las esferas políticas e ideológicas, y donde el enfoque transnacional supone, más que una virtud, una necesidad. ; La Guerra Fría ha sido leída tradicionalmente a partir de las confrontaciones (bélicas, ideológicas, económicas, etc.) que implicó, dividiendo gran parte del orbe en bloques antagónicos. No obstante, este conflicto global también debe ser entendido como un factor clave para propiciar el acercamiento entre naciones que históricamente no habían mantenido contactos particularmente estrechos. En este sentido, resulta paradigmática la plétora de intercambios de diversa índole que la Cuba revolucionaria tejió, desde bien temprano, con los distintos países europeos. Pero, además, las tensiones geopolíticas espolearon la visión del intelectual o del artista como un agente cultural comprometido, hermanado con luchas que adquirieron proyección mundial o, cuando menos, internacional. Este monográfico persigue contar estas y otras historias que han sido aún poco transitadas por la crítica y que necesitan, por tanto, de empeños colectivos que nos permitan entender a cabalidad un fenómeno complejo, donde el campo cultural colude permanentemente con las esferas políticas e ideológicas, y donde el enfoque transnacional supone, más que una virtud, una necesidad. ; La Guerra Fría ha sido leída tradicionalmente a partir de las confrontaciones (bélicas, ideológicas, económicas, etc.) que implicó, dividiendo gran parte del orbe en bloques antagónicos. No obstante, este conflicto global también debe ser entendido como un factor clave para propiciar el acercamiento entre naciones que históricamente no habían mantenido contactos particularmente estrechos. En este sentido, resulta paradigmática la plétora de intercambios de diversa índole que la Cuba revolucionaria tejió, desde bien temprano, con los distintos países europeos. Pero, además, las tensiones geopolíticas espolearon la visión del intelectual o del artista como un agente cultural comprometido, hermanado con luchas que adquirieron proyección mundial o, cuando menos, internacional. Este monográfico persigue contar estas y otras historias que han sido aún poco transitadas por la crítica y que necesitan, por tanto, de empeños colectivos que nos permitan entender a cabalidad un fenómeno complejo, donde el campo cultural colude permanentemente con las esferas políticas e ideológicas, y donde el enfoque transnacional supone, más que una virtud, una necesidad. ; Uveljavljeno pojmovanje hladne vojne temelji na vojnih, ideoloških in gospodarskih spopadih, ki jih je implicirala in ki so razdelili velik del sveta na dva nasprotna bloka. A ta globalni konflikt je treba razumeti tudi kot ključni dejavnik zbliževanja med narodi, ki zgodovinsko niso imeli posebno tesnih stikov. V tem pogledu je paradigmatična množica najrazličnejših izmenjav, ki jih je že zelo kmalu po revoluciji spletla Kuba z nekaterimi evropskimi državami. Geopolitične napetosti so tudi spodbudile pogled na intelektualca ali umetnika kot angažiranega kulturnega posrednika, močno predanega boju, ki je prerasel v svetovni ali vsaj mednarodni pojav. Pričujoča tematska številka revije želi spregovoriti o teh in drugih vidikih, ki se jim je dosedanja kritika malo posvečala in ki terjajo skupinsko obravnavo, da bi lahko bolje razumeli kompleksni pojav, pri katerem kulturno področje nenehno zadeva ob politične in ideološke sfere in pri katerem transnacionalni pristop ni le kvaliteta, temveč nuja.

Informal patient payments are deeply rooted in Central and Eastern European countries. Despite the socio-political changes in the health care sectors after 1990s and the subsequent health care reforms, informal payments for health care services continue to serve patients` and physicians` interests. These payments also fill gaps in health care funding in this European region. Nevertheless, unofficial payments are not a desirable payment channel. They lack transparency and distort the efficiency and equity in health care provision. Still, the successful elimination of these payments will depend on the public attitude towards these payments. This study aims to compare public attitudes towards informal patient payments and payment experience in six Central and Eastern European: Bulgaria, Hungary, Lithuania, Poland, Romania, and Ukraine. The data have been collected in 2010 in nation-wide representative surveys using an identical standardized question- naire administrated via face-to-face interviews. We have collected about 1000 questionnaires in each country. The results show that a major group of respondents in each country expresses a negative attitude towards both informal cash payments and in-kind gifts. 208, 187, and 174 respondents paid informally for out-patient service in Ukraine, Romania, and Hungary respectively. We also analyse the relation between public attitudes and respondents` past experience with informal payments, e.g. whether they have paid informally payment for out-patient service used last year. In Bulgaria and Poland, negative attitude is mostly observed among those who have not paid informally. The existence of positive and indifferent attitudes towards informal pay- ments as reported in our study, indicates a challenge for policy makers in Central and Eastern European countries. The acceptance of government initiatives aimed at the elimination of informal payments will largely depend on the governments` ability to create a social resistance towards these payments.

Globalizirani svet, v katerem živimo danes, je zaznamovan z gospodarsko odvisnostjo, ki jo lahko merimo z medsebojnim sodelovanjem držav. Zaradi tega je tudi gospodarstvo z leti prevzelo osrednjo vlogo pri diplomatskem delovanju. Razlika med tradicionalno in moderno diplomacijo je vse manjša. Gospodarska diplomacija je postopoma postala osrednja aktivnost diplomacije in mednarodnih odnosov. Analizirana in obdelana je bila na teoretičnem področju, kjer jo lahko razumemo kot sredstvo zunanje politike. To velja tudi za Republiko Hrvaško, ki je država z zelo dolgo zgodovino diplomacije. Že v času Dubrovniške republike je oblast prepoznala pomen mednarodnega sodelovanja za doseganje medsebojnih koristi. Tudi danes, v globaliziranem svetu, lahko prepoznamo pomen gospodarske odvisnosti in s tem tudi intenziviranja gospodarskih odnosov med državami. Da bi gospodarsko dobro sodelovala z ostalimi državami, je tudi Hrvaška razvila model gospodarske diplomacije, s katerim lahko zaščiti svojo gospodarsko rast in razvoj ter se pozicionira v mednarodnem okolju. Veliko vlogo pri tem ima Hrvaška gospodarska zbornica, ki je odprla svoja Predstavništva v različnih delih sveta. Cilj tega delovanja je promocija hrvaških podjetnikov ter privabljanje tujih naložb in s tem tudi večanje ugleda države v mednarodni areni. Hrvaška gospodarska zbornica ima velik vpliv na hrvaško gospodarstvo zaradi delovanja v tretjih državah, kjer sodeluje pri organizaciji sejmov in celotni promociji države. Tako delovanje Hrvaške gospodarske zbornice predstavlja most med državo in gospodarstvom in je zaradi aktivne udeležbe na mednarodnih trgih njeno delovanje velikega pomena za hrvaško zunanjo politiko in (gospodarsko) diplomacijo. ; The globalized world we live in today is marked by economic dependance, which can be measured by the mutual cooperation of countries. As a result, the economy has also taken on a central role in diplomatic action over the years. The gap between traditional and modern diplomacy is getting weaker, since they often overlap. Economic diplomacy has gradually become a central activity of diplomacy and international relations. Economic diplomacy has been analyzed in the theoretical field, is understood as means of foreign policy. This also applies to the Republic of Croatia, a country with a long history of diplomacy. The authorities in the times of the Republic of Dubrovnik already recognized the importance of economic dependance and thus the intensification of economic relations between countries. In order to cooperate economically with other countries, Croatia has also developed a model of economic diplomacy with which it can protect its economic growth and development, while also positioning itself in the international environment. The Croatian Chamber of Commerce plays an important role with opening different Representative Offices all over the world. The aim of these operations is to promote Croatian enterpreneurs and attract foreign investment. The Croatian Chamber of Commerce has a great influence on the Croatian economy, especially because of its operations in third countries. Thus, operations of the Croatian Chamber of Commerce represent a bridge between the state and the economy, and due to its active participation in international markets, its operations are important for Croatian foreign policy and (economic) diplomacy.

Magistrska diplomska naloga nosi naslov Odločanje Sodišča Evropske unije o pristojnosti. V nalogi sem sprva opisala temeljna načela, ki so vodilo delovanja Sodišča Evropske unije, ter se seznanila z njihovo uporabo in razlago v praksi. Ugotovila sem, da med pravnim redom Evropske unije in pravnimi redi držav članic velja načelo nadrejenosti ter da je pravni red Evropske unije superioren. Sledilo je raziskovanje, kako Sodišče Evropske unije odloča o pristojnosti, pri čemer sem spoznala, da ima Sodišče Evropske unije zelo pomembno vlogo, ko odloča o razmejitvi pristojnosti med državo članico ter Evropsko unijo. S sodno prakso namreč riše mejo med avtonomnostjo države članice ter posegi v njeno avtonomnost s strani Evropske unije. Nato sem opisala in spoznavala kakšne so njegove pristojnosti ter kakšni so postopki, ki jih Sodišče Evropske unije uporablja pri svojem odločanju. Ugotovila sem, da je temeljna naloga Sodišča Evropske unije skrbeti za enotno razlago in uporabo prava Evropske unije. Ugotovila sem, da Sodišče Evropske unije skozi sodno prakso čedalje bolj širi svoje pristojnosti in krepi svojo vlogo v razmerju do držav članic, čeprav v praksi vse države članice temu niso prav naklonjene. Na koncu naloge sem opisala in pojasnila, kako so se pristojnosti Sodišča Evropske unije okrepile po sprejemu Lizbonske pogodbe, ter poskušala poiskati razlike ter podobnosti med sistemom delitve oblasti v Evropski uniji ter sistemom delitve oblasti v zvezni državi, predvsem s strani odločanja Sodišča Evropske unije ter njegovih pristojnosti. ; In this assignment, I first described the fundamental principles that constitute the functioning of the Court of Justice of the European Union, and took note of their application and interpretation into practice. I have discovered that the principle of superiority is applied between the legal order of Member States and the rule of European Union in which the legal order of the European Union is superior. This was followed by a study of how the European Court of Justice decides on jurisdiction, and I realized that the Court of Justice of the European Union plays a very important role in deciding on the delimitation of competences between a Member State and the European Union. Through its case-law the Court of Justice of the European Union draws the boundary between the autonomy of a Member State and interference with Member States' autonomy by the European Union. I then described and learned about what its competences are and what are the procedures used by the Court of Justice of the European Union in its decision-making. I have found out that the fundamental task of the Court of Justice of the European Union is to ensure uniform interpretation and application of European Union law. I have found that the Court of Justice of the European Union increasingly expands its jurisdiction through jurisprudence and strengthens its role vis-à ; -vis Member States, although in practice all Member States do not favor this right. At the end of the thesis, I described and explained how the jurisdiction of the Court of Justice of the European Union was strengthened after the adoption of the Lisbon Treaty, and sought to find differences and similarities between the system of division of power in the European Union and the system of division of power in the federal state, notably through the decision-making of the Court and its powers.

Sistemi organizacije državne oblasti se razlikujejo po načinu delitve oblasti, organih, ki so nosilci te oblasti ter njihovih medsebojnih odnosih. Parlamentarni sistem, ki je uveljavljen tudi pri nas, temelji na načelu delitve oblasti. Organi državne oblasti med seboj sodelujejo, se nadzorujejo, med njimi pa je z namenom preprečitve zlorabe oblasti vzpostavljen sistem zavor in ravnovesij. V moderni demokraciji med strankami na volitvah vedno poteka tekma za čim višje število glasov, zmago na volitvah in prevzem oblasti. Zmagovalna večina se poveže ter oblikuje vlado, stranke, ki niso članice koalicijske večine, pa čakajo na svojo priložnost na naslednjih volitvah. Vendar mora biti njihov glas vseeno slišan, saj odločitve večine postanejo tudi odločitve manjšine, ki mora zato imeti možnost vpliva na sprejemanje odločitev, poleg tega je pomembna tudi možnost nadzora dela koalicijske večine in izvršilne veje oblasti, v ta namen pa ima opozicija na voljo različne instrumente nadzora. Opozicija ima možnost uporabe svojih sredstev na različnih področjih, v okviru zakonodajne, volilne ter nadzorne funkcije Državnega zbora. Nosilec izvršilne oblasti je v parlamentarnih sistemih vlada, ki je parlamentu odgovorna za svoje delo, brez njegove podpore pa ne more delovati. Parlament, znotraj njega zlasti tudi opozicija, ima na voljo več instrumentov nadzora nad delom vlade, najpomembnejši so poslansko vprašanje, interpelacija in konstruktivna nezaupnica. Nesoglasja med parlamentom in vlado lahko privedejo do politične krize, v končni posledici pa tudi do razpustitve parlamenta in novih volitev. Obstaja več različic parlamentarnega sistema, razlikujejo pa se po načinu oblikovanja, sestavi in delovanju vlade. Naša ureditev se zgleduje po nemškem modelu, pri čemer pa v smeri skupščinske ureditve od njega odstopa v nekaterih pomembnih elementih. Predvsem je tu mišljeno imenovanje ministrov s strani Državnega zbora ter s tem povezani instrumenti, ki povečujejo individualno odgovornost posameznih ministrov v razmerju do Državnega zbora, kar je neskladno z modernimi parlamentarnimi sistemi, ki poznajo predvsem kolektivno odgovornost vlade. Taka ureditev relativizira pomen instituta konstruktivne nezaupnice, ki smo ga sprejeli iz nemškega modela. Zaradi naše neučinkovite ureditve bi bile smiselne ustavne spremembe, kar je zaznal tudi Državni zbor, saj je skupina poslancev predlagala spremembo ustavnih določb, ki se nanašajo na oblikovanje Vlade, v odzivu na ta predlog pa je nastal še predlog Strokovne skupine, ki je predlog poslancev analizirala. Ta naloga obravnava predlagani spremembi Ustave, predlog poslancev in predlog Strokovne skupine, s poudarkom na učinke predlaganih sprememb na položaj opozicije. Poleg tega so v nalogi predstavljene tudi nekatere druge možne spremembe Ustave, ki se nanašajo na način oblikovanja Vlade. Vsak predlog spremembe Ustave našo veljavno ureditev približuje določeni podvrsti parlamentarnega sistema. Pred sprejetjem kakršnekoli spremembe Ustave je torej vredno razmisliti, kateri ureditvi se želimo približati in kakšen vpliv na našo trenutno ureditev bi imel sprejem določene spremembe Ustave. ; The systems of state authority differ in the way they separate powers, branches of power that are holders of the power and their relations. The parliamentary system, which is established also in Slovenia, is based on the principle of separation of powers. The branches of state authority collaborate with each other and control the work of one another. The system of checks and balances is set up to prevent the abuse of power. In the modern democracy there has always been a race to get as many votes as possible, win the elections and take over the power among parties in the elections. The majority that wins is united and forms the Government, while parties that are not members of the majority coalition wait for their opportunity in the next elections. However, their voice has to be heard, because the decisions of majority become the decisions of minority as well, that is why they have to have an impact on decision-making. Besides, the possibility of supervision over the part of the majority coalition and the executive branch is important, for this purpose the opposition has different instruments of supervision. The opposition has a possibility of the use of its means on various areas, within the legislative, electoral and supervisory functions of Parliament. The government, which answers to the parliament for its work, but without its support cannot work properly, is the holder of the executive body in the parliamentary systems. The Parliament, and within it, also in particular the opposition, has several instruments for controlling the work of the Government, the most important are parliamentary question, interpellation and constructive vote of no confidence. Disagreements between the Parliament and the Government can lead to the political crisis and ultimately to the dissolution of the Parliament and new elections. There are several variants of parliamentary system, they differ in the way of forming, structure and working of the Government. Our system follows the German model's example, but as far as assembly is concerned, it differs in some important elements. This mainly refers to the appointment of ministers coming from the National Assembly and instruments referring to it. These instruments are increasing individual responsibility of individual ministers in relation to the National Assembly and that is inconsistent with modern parliamentary systems which are familiar with collective responsibility of the Government in particular. Such system relativizes the meaning of the institute of constructive vote of no confidence which is based on the German's model. Constitutional changes would be logical due to our ineffective system, this was also noticed by our National Assembly. The group of members of the Parliament proposed a change for constitutional provisions which refer to the forming of the Government. In response to this proposal, the Professional group, which analysed the proposal of the members of the Parliament, formed another one. This master's thesis deals with the proposed change of the Government, the proposal of members of the Parliament and the proposal of the Professional group, with emphasis on the effects of proposed changes regarding the position of the opposition. The thesis also presents some of the other possible constitutional changes that refer to the way of forming the Government. Each proposal of the constitutional change brings about our valid system to get closer to the certain category of the parliamentary system. It is worth considering which system is better and what kind of effect would passing a certain constitutional change cause, before even considering constitutional changes of any kind.

Predmet magistrskega dela se nanaša na analizo stanja internacionalizacije visokega šolstva v Sloveniji in postopke vpisa tujih študentov oziroma procesne ovire pri vpisovanju tujcev iz tretjih držav (npr. vpisni roki, presoja dokazil ali (ne)sodelovanje med organi). Ključne ugotovitve na podlagi kvantitativnih metod, kjer sem analizirala javne statistične podatke, in kvalitativnih metod z analizo zakonodaje in s polstrukturiranimi intervjuji, so, da obstaja dokaj velika nekompatibilnost postopkov med univerzami, Ministrstvom za zunanje zadeve v povezavi z upravnimi enotami ter Ministrstvom za izobraževanje, znanost in šport in pri pridobivanju dovoljenj za začasno prebivanje v času študija pri tujcih iz tretjih držav. Opravljena je bila tudi mednarodna primerjava s Finsko, ki kaže visoko ciljno usmerjenost v internacionalizacijo in je enako kot Slovenija članica EU. Skozi raziskavo so bile potrjene podane izhodiščne hipoteze. Internacionalizacija za vse deležnike prinaša koristi. Toda rokovnik vpisnih opravil šolskega ministrstva in univerz, npr. Univerze v Mariboru, ni prilagojen tujcem iz tretjih držav. Tudi domet smiselne rabe Zakona o splošnem upravnem postopku v visokem šolstvu ni jasen. Posledica teh pojavov so predolgi postopki in dejanski prihod študentov v Slovenijo šele sredi študijskega obdobja, kar otežuje konkurenčnost slovenskih univerz. Normativni okvir vpisa tujih študentov in še bolj njegovo (ne)izvajanje pri nas tako nista povsem usklajena s cilji internacionalizacije visokega šolstva, kar potrjuje tudi bolj učinkovit sistem istovrstnih postopkov na Finskem. Rezultati magistrskega dela pa so prikazali pozitivne zglede in smeri razvoja, s katerimi bi lahko Slovenija v bodoče regulirala in izvajala vpise tujcev iz tretjih držav. ; The subject of this master's thesis deals with the analysis of the internationalization of higher education in Slovenia and the procedures for enrolment of foreign students or the procedural barriers in regard to the enrolment of candidates from the third world countries, (e. g. enrolment deadlines, assessment of certificates or (non) cooperation between authorities). The key findings, based on quantitative methods employing the analysis of public statistics data, and qualitative methods employing legislation analysis and semi-structured interviews, are that for foreigners from the third world countries there is a rather high incompatibility of procedures between universities, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in relation to administrative units and the Ministry of Education, Science and Sport in regard of obtaining temporary residence permits while studying. The research, further on, includes an international comparison with Finland, which is highly goal oriented towards internationalization and is the same as Slovenia member state of the European Union. Through the research, the baseline hypotheses were confirmed. Internationalization brings benefits for all stakeholders. But the schedule of enrolment tasks of the school ministry and universities, e.g. the University of Maribor is not suitable for foreigners from the third world countries. Also, the scope of meaningful use of the General Administrative Procedure Act in higher education is not clear. These phenomena result in lengthy procedures and the actual arrival of students to Slovenia only in the middle of the study period, which consequently hinders the competitiveness of Slovenian universities. The normative framework of enrolment of foreign students and, even more so, its (non) implementation in Slovenia are, thus, not completely in line with the goals of internationalization of higher education, which also confirms a more efficient system of similar procedures in Finland. The results of the master's thesis showed positive examples and directions of development, with which Slovenia could regulate and implement the enrolment of foreigners from the third world countries in the future.

Namen dela je predvsem proučiti oblikovanje, delovanje, vlogo in pomen Demosa kot instrumenta in akterja nacionalne emancipacije in demokratične tranzicije na Slovenskem. Pred osrednjim delom analize so opredeljeni ključni pojmi in koncepti: definicija nacionalizma ter glavni teoretični pristopi k nacionalizmu, opredelitev demokracije in demokratizacije. Za celovito razumevanje vloge in pomena posameznih političnih akterjev, kakršen je bil konec osemdesetih in v začetku devetdesetih Demos, je potrebno dobro poznati zgodovinske okoliščine. Najprej sem v poglavju o zgodovinskih mejnikih oblikovanja slovenske nacionalne identitete poskušala dokazati, da pomembni procesi v osemdesetih in devetdesetih letih niso vznikli sami od sebe, ampak imajo dolgo zgodovinsko podlago. V nadaljevanju obravnavam širjenje političnega prostora, obdobje liberalizacije in razcveta civilne družbe ter ključne procese in dogodke na poti v pluralno družbo. Procesi liberalizacije so soustvarjali tudi politično okolje, v katerem je začela nastajati politična opozicija. Konec osemdesetih let, tik pred nastankom Demosa, sta se izoblikovala dva konsistentna in nekompatibilna narodno-politična programa, ki sta simbolizirala politično polarizacijo. Nove, alternativne 'zveze' so se začele povezovati v pričakovanju demokratičnih volitev in soočenja s skupino družbenopolitičnih organizacij z Zvezo komunistov na čelu. Osrednji del disertacije predstavlja obravnava Demosa, akterja demokratizacije. Znotraj tega obdobja namenjam posebno pozornost najvidnejši osebnosti združene demokratične opozicije Jožetu Pučniku, analiziram predvolilne programe, rezultate volitev, ter oblikovanje novih oblastnih organov. V tem kontekstu analiziram tudi njihovo sodelovanje s Predsedstvom republike Slovenije. V nadaljevanju orišem vlogo Demosa v osamosvojitvenih procesih. Demos je v svojih glavnih namerah uspel, kljub temu, da ga niso ustrezno podpirali mediji, ni imel ustrezne zaslombe v gospodarstvu, pa tudi ne v državni upravi in, razen slovenske vojske in do neke mere policije, v represivnih organih oblasti. Kljub temu je uresničil glavne cilje, za uspešno izpeljano tranzicijo oziroma bolj popolno in konsolidirano demokratizacijo pa mu je zmanjkalo tako časa kot politične moči. Proces uvedbe demokracije, kot drugi od Demosovih ciljev, je bil uresničen v institucionalnem smislu, z vzpostavitvijo temeljnih demokratičnih struktur. Istočasno pa je bil Demos ključni dejavnik ne le pri oblikovanju splošnega soglasja o nujnosti osamosvojitve slovenskega naroda, ki se izraža v visokem rezultatu slovenskega plebiscita 23. decembra 1990, ampak je bil tudi glavni akter in instrument nacionalne osamosvojitve, obrambe slovenske samostojnosti v vojni za Slovenijo ter mednarodnega priznanja. ; The purpose of the thesis is primarily to examine the creation, operations, role and importance of Demos – Democratic Opposition of Slovenia as an instrument and actor of national emancipation and democratic transition in Slovenia. Prior to the central part of the analysis key terms and concepts are identified: definition of nationalism and the main theoretical approaches to nationalism, definition of democracy and democratization. For comprehensive understanding of the role and importance of individual political actors, like Demos was in the late eighties and early nineties, we should also be familiar with historical circumstances. At first I tried to stress that the main events and processes in the eighties and nineties had not emerged by themselves but were results of long historical development. Next I discuss broadening of political space, a period of liberalization and flourishing of civil society and also key processes and events on the way to a pluralistic society. The liberalization processes co-created also the political environment, in which the political opposition started to take shape. At the end of the eighties, just before the establishment of Demos, two consistent and incompatible national-political programmes were formed which symbolized the political polarization. New, alternative 'unions' began to link pending democratic elections and confrontations with a group of the so-called socio-political organizations with the Communists Party at the head. The central part of the thesis is the analysis of Demos, the actor of democratization. Within this period I pay particular attention to Jože Pučnik, the most prominent personality of the united democratic opposition, I analyse election programs, results of elections and the creation of new public authorities. In this context, I analyse also their cooperation with the Presidency of the Republic of Slovenia and outline the role of Demos in the independence processes. Demos succeeded in its main intentions, despite the fact that it had not adequate support of the media, no support of the economy nor in the public service and, with the exception of the Slovenian Army and to some extent police forces, the repressive authorities. Despite all these Demos accomplished its main objectives, however, for a successful transition or a more complete and consolidated democratization it ran out of time and political power. The process of introducing democracy was realized in a formal sense, with the establishment of basic democratic structures. At the same time Demos was a key factor in the creation of the general consensus on the necessity of the Slovenian independency which is shown in the high score of the plebiscite on 23rd Dec 1990. Demos was also the key actor and an instrument of the national independence process, the defence of the Slovenian territory in the war for Slovenia as well as in the process of the international recognition of the new Slovenian sovereign state.

Magistrska naloga obravnava pomen neprofitnih organizacij pri izboljšanju kvalitete življenja slepih in slabovidnih ter gluhih in naglušnih. S pomočjo različnih definicij sem umestila neprofitne organizacije v družbeni prostor, predstavila njihov izvor in pomen. Slepi in slabovidni ter gluhi in naglušni se lahko vključujejo v družbo in na trg dela, vendar pri tem zaradi svoje oviranosti potrebujejo pomoč. Posebej sem se osredotočila na dve neprofitni organizaciji, in sicer na Zvezo društev slepih in slabovidnih Slovenije ter Zvezo društev gluhih in naglušnih Slovenije. Obravnavala in opredelila sem programe, ki jih izvajata organizaciji v javnem interesu. V nadaljevanju empirični del vsebuje primerjavo programov med organizacijama. Pri tem sem si zastavila dve raziskovalni vprašanji. Pri prvem vprašanju sem ugotavljala ''Kakšne so podobnosti in razlike med programi?'' Odgovor na to vprašanje sem izoblikovala na osnovi analize vsebine programov. V drugem raziskovalnem vprašanju sem ugotavljala kako storitve, ki jih imajo programi vplivajo na kakovost življenja slepih in slabovidnih ter gluhih in naglušnih. Odgovor na to vprašanje sem pridobila z intervjuji. Zaslediti je kar nekaj skupnih značilnosti med programi, vendar so tudi razlike. Obe organizaciji imata specifične programe glede na prilagojenost ciljnim skupinam. S pomočjo intervjujev z uporabniki programov sem ugotovila, da programi pomembno vplivajo na izboljšanje kvalitete življenja omenjenih ranljivih skupin. V zaključnem delu sem na podlagi analize vsebine programov in izkušenj uporabnikov oblikovala priporočila. ; This master's thesis deals with the importance of non-profit organizations in improving the quality of life of blind and partially sighted people, the deaf and hearing sighted people. Here, non-profit organizations were put into social spaces through various definitions and I will also present the origin and significance of the non-profit sector. The blind and the partially sighted, the deaf and hearing sighted can be involved in society and the labour market, but require help due to their disabilities. I specifically focused on two non-profit organizations, namely, the Union of the Blind and Partially Sighted of Slovenia and the Union of the Deaf and Hearing Sighted of Slovenia. I discussed and defined the programmes, which are implemented by organizations in the public interest. The following master's thesis contains a comparison of the programmes between the organizations. I developed two research questions. The first was defined as, ''What are the common characteristics and differences between the programmes in the organizations?''. I developed the answer to this question based on an analysis of the programme content. For the second research question, I determined how the services and the programs influence the quality of life of the blind and partially sighted, the deaf and the hearing sighted. I came to my conclusions through a number of interviews. There are quite a few common features to follow but there are also certain differences. Both organizations have specific programmes with regards to adjustments in such vulnerable groups. Through interviews with the programme users, the empirical part shows that such programmes influence the improvement of the quality of life of these vulnerable groups. In conclusion, I also made recommendations based on an analysis of the content of the programmes and user experiences.

V Sloveniji se že vrsto let odvijajo razprave o ustanovitvi druge ravni lokalne samouprave, kljub več poskusom in ustavni zahtevi pa zaenkrat še vedno nimamo pokrajin. Regionalna in širša lokalna samouprava sta stalnici v večini držav Evropske unije (EU), eden izmed ključnih in najpomembnejših vidikov vzpostavitve take oblike oblasti pa je prav gotovo skrbna in ciljno naravnana določitev pristojnosti. V osrednjem delu te naloge so predstavljene okvirne ureditve nalog pokrajin v državah EU po naslednjih vsebinskih sklopih: zdravstvo, regionalni razvoj, gospodarstvo in turizem, izobraževanje in kultura ter infrastruktura, varstvo okolja in kmetijstvo. Naloga na kratko predstavi tudi prispevek Sveta Evrope in EU k razvoju lokalne samouprave na tej vmesni ravni, za jasnejše razumevanje pa poskuša jasno določiti tudi ločnico med federalno in unitarno ureditvijo ter regionalno in širšo lokalno samoupravo. Na koncu dodaja pregled stanja v Sloveniji v povezavi z ustanovitvijo pokrajin, določitvijo njihovih pristojnosti, njihovo ureditvijo v ustavi in trenutni predlagani zakonodaji. Ustava Republike Slovenije iz leta 1991 namreč predvideva tri vrste pristojnosti, in sicer naloge širšega lokalnega pomena, zadeve regionalnega pomena in naloge iz državne pristojnosti. Pri tem bomo morali biti pozorni, da pokrajinam ne bomo naložili preveč državnih pristojnosti in jim tako otežili ali celo onemogočili učinkovito opravljanje njihovih izvirnih pristojnosti. Ustrezna določitev pristojnosti je namreč ključnega pomena, pri tem pa nam je lahko v veliko pomoč poznavanje dobrih praks drugih držav, vendar pa se moramo vedno zavedati, da jih je treba razumeti v luči njihove družbene realnosti in ne pričakovati popolne preslikave pri nas. ; In Slovenia, discussion about the establishment of the secondary level of local self-government have been going on for years, but despite numerous attempts and a constitutional order, we still do not have provinces. Regional and local self-government are regularities in the majority of States of the European Union (EU), but one of the crucial and most important aspects of the establishment of such an authority is for sure a careful and goal-oriented determination of competences. In the main part of this thesis, we present framework regulations of the tasks of provinces in EU States by the following content sets: healthcare, regional development, economy and tourism, education and culture, infrastructure, environmental protection and agriculture. The thesis also briefly presents the contribution of the Council of Europe and EU to the development of local self-government at this intermediate level, but for better understanding, it tries to set a clear boundary between the federal and unitary regulation and the regional and wider local self-government. Finally, it adds an overview of the state in Slovenia in relation to the establishment of provinces, the determination of their competences, their regulation in the constitution and current proposed legislation. The 1991 Constitution of the Republic of Slovenia namely assumes three types of competences ; tasks of wider local importance, matters of regional importance and tasks within the State competence. In this manner, we will have to be careful to not assign to many State competences to provinces and thus complicate or even prevent provinces from effectively execute their original competences. Appropriate determination of competences is namely crucial and in this matter knowledge about good practices of other States can be of great help to us, but we have to be always aware that we have to understand them in the light of their social reality and not expect their perfect reflection in our case.

Visoka kakovost upravljanja storitev v posamezni občini pomeni zagotavljanje kakovostnega življenjskega okolja za bivanje. Namen naloge je obravnavati kakovost upravljanja v slovenskih občinah in s pomočjo statistične analize ugotoviti morebitno povezanost z indikatorji uspešnosti občin. V okviru raziskovalne naloge sem opravila anketno raziskavo o kakovosti upravljanja v 31 občinah v Sloveniji. Preverjala sem tri javne storitve: izobraževanje, zdravstvo in redarstvo v primerjavi s kakovostjo, nepristranostjo in korupcijo teh storitev. Naredila sem analizo povezanosti kakovosti upravljanja v občinah z indikatorji uspešnosti občin in pri tem uporabila kot statistično metodo za obdelavo podatkov standardizacijo, metodo rangov in Pearsonov koeficient korelacije. Najpomembnejša ugotovitev raziskovalne naloge je, da so občine iz osrednjeslovenske regije dosegle najboljše rezultate v kakovosti raziskovanih storitev in tudi, da je kakovost upravljanja povezana z indikatorji uspešnosti občin. Dobljeni rezultati kažejo na to, da obstajajo velike razlike glede kakovosti upravljanja znotraj države. Več kot polovica obravnavanih občin ima kakovost upravljanja na področjih izobraževanja, zdravstva in redarstva pod povprečjem. Analiza povezanosti kakovosti upravljanja z indikatorji uspešnosti občine je pokazala, da občine, ki so imele visoko kakovost upravljanja, so imele tudi najboljše vrednosti indikatorjev uspešnosti. Moja analiza lahko služi vsaki obravnavani občini za pregled stanja kakovosti storitev na področju izobraževanja, zdravstva in redarstva in pojasnilo kje iskati vzroke za takšne rezultate. ; High quality of service governance in single municipality means providing a quality living environment. The purpose of the research study is to address the quality of governance in slovenian municipalities and to identify, through statistical analysis, a possible connection with the performance indicators of municipalities. As part of the research study, I conducted a survey on the quality of governance in 31 municipalities in Slovenia. I checked three public services: education, health and city constabulary in comparision with the quality, impartiality and corruption of these services. I made an analysis of the correlation between the quality of governance in municipalities with the performance indicators of municipalities. I used as a statistical method for data processing standardization, ranking method and Pearson coefficient of correlation. The most important finding of the research paper is that municipalities from the central slovenian region have achieved the best results in the quality of the services explored, and also that the quality of governance is related to the indicators of the performance of municipalities. The results obtained show that there are big differences in the quality of governance within the country. More than half of the municipalities discussed have the quality of governance in the fields of education, health and city constabulary, below average. The analysis of the connection between the quality of governance and the performance indicators of municipalities showed that municipalities that had high quality governance also had the best values of performance indicators. My analysis can serve every municipality to review the situation of the quality of services in the fields of education, health and city constabulary, and an explanation of where to find the reasons for such results.

Po načelu samoodločbe imajo ljudstva pravico do suverenosti, ki je razdeljena na notranjo in zunanjo samoodločbo. Notranja samoodločba se kaže v pravici do kulturnega, socialnega in ekonomskega razvoja, medtem ko se zunanja najbolj kaže v pravici do oblikovanja svoje države in do nastopanja v mednarodnopravnem prostoru kot suveren subjekt. Teorijo je v mednarodnih dokumentih po koncu druge svetovne vojne začela razvijati OZN, ki je notranjo samoodločbo priznala vsem ljudstvom, medtem ko je zunanjo omejila na kolonialna ljudstva in pri njihovi definiciji ubrala zelo ozko razlago. Druga polovica 20. stoletja je posledično prinesla nastanek ogromnega števila novih držav, zlasti na afriškem in azijskem kontinentu. Več ali manj se vse centralne vlade soočajo z obstojem skupine ali skupin ljudi, ki imajo drugačne kulturne, jezikovne in socialne značilnosti. Pristop vsake centralne vlade do teh skupin ljudi je različen, vendar je v zadnjih stotih letih možno opaziti, da imajo več posluha za njihove potrebe in priznavanja različnih oblik samoupravljanja. Centralne vlade z njimi sprejemajo mednarodne sporazume, ki se zapišejo v ustavo. Teorija pozna dva različna modela, ki skušata pojasniti sanacijsko pravico do samoodločbe, to je zunajpravne pravice do odcepitve, ki naj bi popravila nepravično stanje. Naloga vzame pod drobnogled sanacijsko pravico do odcepitve avtorja Allena Buchanana. Buchanan namreč priznava pravico ljudstvom, ki so grobo zatirani s strani države, odcepitev pa bi predstavljala sanacijo. Katalonija je že več stoletij del Kraljevine Španije. Po španski ustavi ima status avtonomne regije, na podlagi katere ima določene specifične pravice. Kataloncem je po mednarodnem pravu skoraj nemogoče priznati pravico do zunanje samoodločbe, čemur tudi ni naklonjena španska ustava. Nemiri v zadnjem desetletju nakazujejo, da v Španiji nekaj ni v redu, zato je treba morebitno rešitev poiskati v teorijah, kot je sanacijska pravica do samoodločbe. ; According to the principle of self-determination, peoples have the right to sovereignty, which is divided into internal and external self-determination. Internal self-determination is manifested in the right to cultural, social and economic development, while external self- determination is most evident in the right to form one's country and to act as a sovereign entity in the international legal space. The theory was developed in international documents after the end of World War II by the UN, which recognized internal self-determination for all peoples while restricting external ones to colonial peoples and defining a very narrow interpretation in their definition. The second half of the 20th century, in turn, brought about the emergence of a huge number of new countries, especially in the African and Asian continents. More or less all central governments are confronted with the existence of a group or groups of people with different cultural, linguistic and social characteristics. The approach of each central government to these groups of people is different, but over the last hundred years, it can be observed that they have more of an ear for their needs and for recognizing different forms of self-government. Central governments sign international agreements with them and adopt them into constitution. Theory knows two different constructs that seek to explain the remedial right to self-determination, that is, the unlawful right to secession, which is to remedy an unjust state. The task under scrutiny takes the remedial right to secede Allen Buchanan. Buchanan recognizes the right of people who are severely oppressed by the state, and secession would mean a remedial action. Catalonia has been part of the Kingdom of Spain for centuries. Under the Spanish Constitution, it has the status of an autonomous region, on the basis of which it has specific rights. It is almost impossible for Catalans to recognize the right to external self-determination under international law, which is not favored by the Spanish Constitution. The unrest of the last decade suggests that something is not right in Spain, so any solution must be sought in theories such as the remedial right to self-determination.

V nalogi uvodoma definiram temeljne pojme magistrskega dela, nato opisujem dejavnike prometne varnosti in varnost cestnega prometa v Evropski uniji in Sloveniji, zatem navajam vzroke za nastanek prometne nesreče in analiziram prometne nesreče. V nadaljevanju se posvetim najpogostejšim petim dejavnikom, jih metodološko opredelim in prikažem statistične podatke najpogostejših dejavnikov prometnih nesrečah v zadnjih nekaj letih. Nazadnje podam še načrt in vizijo za še večje izboljšanje varnosti v cestnem prometu ter intervju, ki sem ga opravila na Javni agenciji za varnost cestnega prometa v Sloveniji. ; In the thesis, I define the basic concepts of the master's thesis and describe the factors of road traffic safety and road safety in the European Union and in Slovenia. I further describe the causes of the accident and the analysis of the road accident. In the following, I focus on the most common five factors and methodologically define them and present statistical data on the most common factors of traffic accidents in the last few years. Finally, I present plans and visions to improve road safety in the future and an interview I conducted at the Public Agency for Road Safety in Slovenia.

Predstavniška demokracija se je v zgodovini soočala s številnimi izzivi. Kljub temu da je izjemno fleksibilen pojav in da se je ob pojavu krize poskuša prilagoditi, pa se zaradi krize predstavniške demokracije pojavljajo različne ideologije. Osnovni namen dela je predstaviti razvoj predstavniške demokracije in populizem kot pojav, ki je nastal kot posledica težav znotraj predstavniške demokracije. V prvem delu bodo prikazani predstavniška demokracija, različni modeli ter ključni aparati predstavniške demokracije. V drugem delu sledijo kazalci krize predstavniške demokracije v Evropi ter izzivi, s katerimi se sooča. V zadnjem delu bo govora o ideologiji populizma, ki je predvsem v zadnjih dveh desetletjih doživel razcvet, zlasti v evropskih državah. S primerjavo levičarskega populističnega primera in desničarskega populističnega primera bo laže razumeti koncept populizma, ki ima v evropskem prostoru velik pomen. Ugotovili smo, da je populizem pomemben člen demokracije, in sicer predvsem na področjih participacije in mobilizacije ljudi. Populizem na oblasti pokaže drug obraz, takrat lahko postane dejavnik, ki kakovost demokracije slabša. ; Representative democracy has faced many challenges in the past. Despite the fact that it is an extremely flexible phenomenon and that it seeks to adjust in the event of a crisis, various ideologies occur because of the crisis of representative democracy. The main purpose of the master's thesis is to present the development of representative democracy and populism as a phenomenon that emerged as a result of problems within representative democracy. In the first part representative democracy, various models and key apparatus of representative democracy will be presented. The second part shows the indicators of the crisis of representative democracy in Europe and the challenges it faces. In the final part, we will discuss the ideology of populism, which has been booming particularly in the last two decades and especially in European countries. By comparing the left-wing populist example and the right-wing populist example, it will be easier to understand the concept of populism, which has great significance in the European area. We have found that populism is an important part of democracy, especially in the fields of participation and mobilization of people. Populism in power shows another face, then it can become a factor that worsenes the quality of democracy.

V magistrskem delu raziskujemo model in delovanje Slovenske digitalne koalicije (SDK) ter različne poglede deležnikov, ki so vanjo vključeni. V uvodnem delu opišemo strateške dokumente na področju vloge in razvoja informacijsko-komunikacijske tehnologije in informacijske družbe. Na podlagi obstoječih dokumentov in empiričnih podatkov, pridobljenih prek strukturiranih intervjujev, ter po analizi prednosti, slabosti, nevarnosti in izzivov s strani različnih deležnikov ocenimo model in delovanje SDK, v okviru raziskovalnega dela pa je izvedena tudi primerjalna analiza nacionalnih digitalnih koalicij držav članic Evropske unije. Rezultati so pokazali, da je model SDK vzpostavljen po smernicah Evropske komisije, delovanje vzpostavljene SDK pa še ni optimalno in ne izkorišča vseh potencialov delovanja. ; The Master's thesis analyses the model and the functioning of the Slovenian digital coalition (SDK) and the different views of the stakeholders who are part of it. The introduction presents the strategic documents regarding the role and the development of information-communications technology and information society. Based on the current documents, the empirical data we collected through structured interviews and the analysis of the advantages, the disadvantages, the risks and the challenges faced by different stakeholders we evaluate the SDK model and its functioning ; moreover, the research also includes a comparative analysis of national digital coalitions in European Union member states. The results show that the SDK model has been developed in accordance with the guidelines of the European Commission, while its functioning has not yet reached the optimal level and does not fully take advantage of all its potential.