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Michalis P. Liberatos, The Greek Communist Party and the SlavophonesMinority in West Macedonia during the German Occupation (1941-194The existence of a Christian Slavic-speaking population in West Macedoniaafter the exchanges of populations in 1923-1924 and its confrontationwith Greek residents affected not only the relations between Greeceand the neighbouring Balkan countries but also determined the attitudeof KKE towards the Greek political stage and its relations with the otherpolitical parties. Especially during the German Occupation in Greece thecontroversies were enforced because of the existence of Bulgarian occupationalauthorities in the region and the attempt of Germans to treatethnic differences as an instrument of oppression. On the contrary, theGreek resistance forces that acted in Macedonia attempted to avert theaccession of Slavophones to Bulgarian nationalism and tried to compromisethe contradictions between the minority and the Greek population.The main resistance movement in the region, EAM, an organisationthat included KKE as the stronger part of it, had the advantage thatit was acceptable to the minority. On the other hand, other Greek organisations,like PAO, caused a feeling of fear, insecurity and mistrust tothe minority as representatives of Greek nationalism. KKE, because of itspolitical attitude towards the defence of the social rights of the minorityin the Inter-War period, had gained the confidence of that population,something extremely useful for the purposes of the liberation struggle.Nevertheless, the other political forces in Greece suspected that KKEhad returned to its attitude about the «Autonomy» of Macedonia fromthe Greek State, which KKE had declared in the decade 1925-1935. Thatwas a great obstacle for a political party that for a long period exerteditself to prove that it had abandoned that policy and especially in relation with EAM, which was based primary on its patriotic character. In orderto avoid the charges that it favoured the Slavophones separatists andthe possibility of an internal crisis that might have dissolved the politicalalliance of EAM, KKE pursued to incorporate the Slavophones into theGreek liberation movement on purpose to create a state of mutual confidencebetween the two populations. At the same time, it tried to isolatethe minority from the propaganda of Bulgarian separatists and destroythe corresponding armed groups.The problems regarding the relations between the minority and theGreek resistance movement became more complicated because of theinvolvement of Tito's regime in Yugoslavia. Tito and his partisans attemptedto use their ideological connection with EAM as a means to persuadeGreeks to accept the existence of minority as a cause of a new arrangementof the borders between Greece and Yugoslavia in the post Warperiod. On the other hand, the leaders of EAM tried to avoid Tito's accusationsthat Greeks impeded the development of a Balkan resistanceco-operation against Axis and strove to confine the massive accession ofSlavophones to the Yugoslavian resistance army by incorporating membersof the minority in organisations of EAM. It was a very difficulttask and often caused more problems than it resolved. ; Michalis P. Liberatos, The Greek Communist Party and the SlavophonesMinority in West Macedonia during the German Occupation (1941-194The existence of a Christian Slavic-speaking population in West Macedoniaafter the exchanges of populations in 1923-1924 and its confrontationwith Greek residents affected not only the relations between Greeceand the neighbouring Balkan countries but also determined the attitudeof KKE towards the Greek political stage and its relations with the otherpolitical parties. Especially during the German Occupation in Greece thecontroversies were enforced because of the existence of Bulgarian occupationalauthorities in the region and the attempt of Germans to treatethnic differences as an instrument of oppression. On the contrary, theGreek resistance forces that acted in Macedonia attempted to avert theaccession of Slavophones to Bulgarian nationalism and tried to compromisethe contradictions between the minority and the Greek population.The main resistance movement in the region, EAM, an organisationthat included KKE as the stronger part of it, had the advantage thatit was acceptable to the minority. On the other hand, other Greek organisations,like PAO, caused a feeling of fear, insecurity and mistrust tothe minority as representatives of Greek nationalism. KKE, because of itspolitical attitude towards the defence of the social rights of the minorityin the Inter-War period, had gained the confidence of that population,something extremely useful for the purposes of the liberation struggle.Nevertheless, the other political forces in Greece suspected that KKEhad returned to its attitude about the «Autonomy» of Macedonia fromthe Greek State, which KKE had declared in the decade 1925-1935. Thatwas a great obstacle for a political party that for a long period exerteditself to prove that it had abandoned that policy and especially in relation with EAM, which was based primary on its patriotic character. In orderto avoid the charges that it favoured the Slavophones separatists andthe possibility of an internal crisis that might have dissolved the politicalalliance of EAM, KKE pursued to incorporate the Slavophones into theGreek liberation movement on purpose to create a state of mutual confidencebetween the two populations. At the same time, it tried to isolatethe minority from the propaganda of Bulgarian separatists and destroythe corresponding armed groups.The problems regarding the relations between the minority and theGreek resistance movement became more complicated because of theinvolvement of Tito's regime in Yugoslavia. Tito and his partisans attemptedto use their ideological connection with EAM as a means to persuadeGreeks to accept the existence of minority as a cause of a new arrangementof the borders between Greece and Yugoslavia in the post Warperiod. On the other hand, the leaders of EAM tried to avoid Tito's accusationsthat Greeks impeded the development of a Balkan resistanceco-operation against Axis and strove to confine the massive accession ofSlavophones to the Yugoslavian resistance army by incorporating membersof the minority in organisations of EAM. It was a very difficulttask and often caused more problems than it resolved.

Δεν παρατίθεται περίληψη στα Ελληνικά. ; In the years 1830-1860 the formation of the newly established Greek State was based theoretically and practically on the political views of 19th century European liberalism. In accordance to the liberal beliefs, the Greek state political power was based on a small section of the adult male population. This section disposed additional economic and cultural qualifications compared to the rest of the population of the country. It is worthnoting that only to the above mentioned section of the population the state recognized full civil and political rights. In this context the term eligible citizens is used to describe those social strata which held the above mentioned special qualifications. In view of these qualifications the eligible citizens could not only exercise their electoral rights but they could be also elected or appointed as political, magisterial or administrative officials. Within the framework of the historical study of social stratification in the Greek society, during the period 1830-1860, it is worth concentrating on the analysis of historical sources relevant to the eligible citizens. These sources should supply information about the economic and cultural characteristics of these citizens. Based on this type of approach we present in this study the catalogues of candidate jurymen in the period 1849-1861 concentrating on the analysis of the year 1860. These catalogues constitute an important source of information about the characteristics of the eligible citizens. The candidate jurymen catalogues, for the year 1860, include information regarding the value of estate property, income, profession, age and place of inhabitancy for 8.337 adult men. These men amount to the 3.4% of the over 25 years old male population of the country in 1860. The quantitative analysis of the above mentioned catalogues led to the following general conclusions: In 1860 the greatest percentage of the eligible citizens derived from the middle social strata of property owners and income earners. These strata included mainly land owners, wealthy farmers and merchants. But there was also a much smaller section of social strata of wealthy men who possessed a relatively large amount of estate property and income of the country. The sharp economic inequality observed among the eligible citizens of the country permits the assumption that there was also among them a sharp social inequality. According to this we propose the continuation of the research with a more detailled study. This study will examine particular aspects of economic and social inequalities between the lower, the middle and the higher social strata. The same study will also examine in detail the regional aspect of these inequalities.

Δεν παρατίθεται περἰληψη στα ελληνικά. ; Lina Venturas – Dimitria Groutsis, The Cold War and international migration regulation: The establishment of the Intergovernmental Committee for European Migration The immediate post WWII period saw the establishment of the Inter-governmental Committee for European Migration (ICEM) (now International Organisation for Migration, IOM), as a key organisation in the management of post WWII migration. This paper examines the debates and policies surrounding the creation of the ICEM as an agent responsible for the facilitation and administration of labour migration from parts of Europe to a variety of overseas countries. At the conclusion of the Second World War, the problems surrounding 'surplus population' and unemployment in Europe were discussed in many international forums. It was from these discussions that a consensus emerged which saw emigration as a viable solution. To this end, in 1951, the International Labour Organisation convened a Migration Conference in Naples, bringing together key stakeholders. The Naples Conference failed, an outcome driven mainly by the US. The US was particularly concerned with economic stagnation and mounting social unrest related to the 'surplus population' in European countries in this Cold War period. At the same time however, it strived at limiting international influence over migration and refugee policies and on receiving countries retaining their sovereign immigration policies. In spite of the disagreements and through a process of negotiation, the US subsequently led the creation of an intergovernmental body, which was established at a conference convened in Brussels in 1951. This newly formed organisation, initially named the Provisional Intergovernmental Committee for the Movement of Migrants from Europe (PICMME), was open only to states with a 'liberal' political regime and had specifically designed functions based on inter-governmental negotiations. The US ensured its predominance in the organization through budgetary control and other means. In 1953, the PICMME became a permanent 'fixture' of migration regulation and was renamed the Intergovernmental Committee for European Migration (ICEM). Hereafter, ICEM offered operational and financial assistance for migrants' transportation, language training, reception facilities, settlement services and labour market placement.

Δεν παρατίθεται περίληψη στα ελληνικά. ; The declaration of the establishment of the «Kingdom of Serbs, Groats and Slovenes» on the 1st of December, 1918 —which in 1929 was renamed to Yugoslavia— fulfilled the long standing desire for the political unification of all South-Slavs. However, the new State which apart from the three old kingdoms of Serbia, Montenegro and Croatia included the entities of the former Hungarian Vojvodina, the former Austrian Slovenia and Dalmatia and the Serbian Macedonia had to tackle certain problems. Its subjects were divided into several ethnic groups: Serbs, Croats and Slovenes —who constituted three quarters of its entire population— and Germans, Hungarians and Albanians as well as other ethnic minorities. The population of the new state was also divided into three religious categories: 47% were Orthodox Christians, 39% Catholics, and 11% Muslims. This paper attempts to analyze five constructive crises which came about in interwar Yugoslavia, and are characteristic of any modern state: 1) The crisis of identity of the state itself and of the various ethnic groups. The ideology of Yugoslavian unification failed to bridge the differences between the ethnic and religious groups; 2) The crisis of legitimacy. This is related with the nature of the regime. From 1918 until the dictatorship of 1929 twenty three governmental crises occured; 3) The crisis of integration, as reflected in the policies and the electoral results of the various political parties which had clear ethnic and geographical limits. During the interwar period none of the existing political parties attained to play this integrating role by securing mass support throughout the country; 4) The crisis of participation of individuals and social groups in controlling the public affairs and manning the state apparatus; 5) The crisis of distribution of goods and services. The ethnic and political contradictions between the Slovenes and Croats in the North and Serbs in the South resulted in the uneven development between these two geographical districts of the state.

Δεν παρατίθεται περίληψη στα Ελληνικά. ; Dans une époque de grands efforts pour l'organisation de l'état grec, qui était nouvellement établi, Spyridon Skoufos a adressé en Octobre 1829 au gouverneur Jean Kapodistrias un «Mémoire sur la statistique de la Grèce». L'auteur a rédigé ce mémoire sous l'influence des idées qui existaient depuis longtemps en Europe; on peut constater cette influence tant sur le plan général, que sur les termes utilisés (par exemple, Arithmétique Politique), sans toutefois que le rédacteur ignore la réalité grecque. Dans les vingt pages du Mémoire Skoufos met l'accent sur la nécessité d'un dénombrement de la population et décrit la manière par laquelle on peut le réaliser tant par des recensements, que par l'organisation de l'état civil (enregistrement des naissances, mariages et décès). Skoufos rédigea ce Mémoire dans le but évident de se faire procurer un emploi public, ce qui lui fut accordé, en 1833, après l'arrivée du roi Othon. On ignore si ce Mémoire a influencé les méthodes statistiques de l'état grec; on peut cependant dépister quelques similitudes entre le Mémoire de Skoufos et quelques textes postérieurs.

Fotini Tsibiridou, «On nous appelle Pomah). Héritages et politiques, constructionset expériences des identités minoritaires et marginalesCe texte puise ses données et ses arguments d'une «ethnographie» quiest en voie de publication en France. La dernière traite des constructionssocioculturelles des identités dans la montagne du Rhodope de la Thracegrecque. Elle cherche à relever les manières avec lesquelles les identitésculturelles, sexuelles et sociales dont la plus récente, l'identité ethnique,sont vécues par les sujets. La montagne du Rhodope est habitée par despopulations musulmanes slavophones qui sont marginales par rapport à la majorité de la «minorité musulmane» de la Thrace grecque, à partirde 1923.Dans le texte présent, la problématique anthropologique (théorie,terrain, ethnographe) est d'abord exposée de manière raccourcie; par lasuite, ce texte est centré sur le passé de ces populations, ou, mieux, surle traitement du passé et de son héritage sur le présent.Dans ce cadre, ambiguïtés, ambivalences, états conflictuels et réticencessemblent définir des identités culturelles et sociales différentessous le poids des macro- et micro-politiques et des conditions sociohistoriquesprécises. Or, toutes ces sociétés montagnardes avaient unpoint au moins en commun: l'héritage du passé d'une identificationcommune hétérodéfinie par les groupes voisins, stigmatisée par des attributsnégatifs comme «différent» et «inférieur», «minoritaire» et «marginal», «infidèle» et «peu fiable».Ces discriminations en héritage sont littéralement «incorporées» dansles attitudes quotidiennes et rituelles des sujets sociaux, comme la recherchesur le terrain l'a constaté; leurs pratiques comprennent, entreautres, l'adoption du silence, l'hésitation de s'extrérioriser et de s'exposer, l'immobilisation devant la présence de tout pouvoir, la symbolisationdans la situation suspendue, le passage dans la marge de la modernité. ; Fotini Tsibiridou, «On nous appelle Pomah). Héritages et politiques, constructionset expériences des identités minoritaires et marginalesCe texte puise ses données et ses arguments d'une «ethnographie» quiest en voie de publication en France. La dernière traite des constructionssocioculturelles des identités dans la montagne du Rhodope de la Thracegrecque. Elle cherche à relever les manières avec lesquelles les identitésculturelles, sexuelles et sociales dont la plus récente, l'identité ethnique,sont vécues par les sujets. La montagne du Rhodope est habitée par despopulations musulmanes slavophones qui sont marginales par rapport à la majorité de la «minorité musulmane» de la Thrace grecque, à partirde 1923.Dans le texte présent, la problématique anthropologique (théorie,terrain, ethnographe) est d'abord exposée de manière raccourcie; par lasuite, ce texte est centré sur le passé de ces populations, ou, mieux, surle traitement du passé et de son héritage sur le présent.Dans ce cadre, ambiguïtés, ambivalences, états conflictuels et réticencessemblent définir des identités culturelles et sociales différentessous le poids des macro- et micro-politiques et des conditions sociohistoriquesprécises. Or, toutes ces sociétés montagnardes avaient unpoint au moins en commun: l'héritage du passé d'une identificationcommune hétérodéfinie par les groupes voisins, stigmatisée par des attributsnégatifs comme «différent» et «inférieur», «minoritaire» et «marginal», «infidèle» et «peu fiable».Ces discriminations en héritage sont littéralement «incorporées» dansles attitudes quotidiennes et rituelles des sujets sociaux, comme la recherchesur le terrain l'a constaté; leurs pratiques comprennent, entreautres, l'adoption du silence, l'hésitation de s'extrérioriser et de s'exposer, l'immobilisation devant la présence de tout pouvoir, la symbolisationdans la situation suspendue, le passage dans la marge de la modernité.

Δεν παρατίθεται περίληψη στα ελληνικά. ; Le texte se rapporte au caractère de la lutte des producteurs du raisin sec du Nord-Est du Péloponnèse et à leurs revendications, quand, à la fin du XIXème siècle ils ont été touchés par la crise du raisin sec. Ce mouvement social sort du cadre d'une lutte des classes. Il ne s'agit pas, comme il a été dit, d'une lutte des agriculteurs contre les grands propriétaires fonciers, contre le capital ou contre l'Etat. La lutte pour sauver le raisin sec et tous ceux qui en vivaient, exprime une protestation globale de toutes les couches sociales touchées par la crise. Les populations touchées remettent leur avenir à l'Etat et à sa politique économique dont dépend leur survie. L'Etat n'est pas pris en compte comme étant l'image d'une classe souveraine, mais comme n'étant pas l'image du «monde» du raisin sec. C'est ainsi que la défense des producteurs du raisin sec du Sud du pays résonne comme une défense d'intérêts locals et communs, ayant comme mandataire direct le Parlement. Les demandes et les revendications des intéressés directs sont mises sur le tapis à travers des manifestations de combat nouvelles pour la société grecque, comme les groupements commerciaux, fonciers et agricoles, les associations, et surtout les grandes mobilisations, les manifestations massives, les décrets et les pétitions au gouvernement, au Parlement et au Roi. Toutes les couches de la société participent à cette lutte qui est menée aussi bien par les citadins que par les campagnards. Les litiges qui fleurissent ne font pas s'affronter les classes sociales, mais les différentes régions qui, selon la qualité du raisin sec qu'elles produisaient, avaient des intérêts opposés. Ces régions s'affrontaient d'une telle manière que les gens de l'époque parlaient d'une «Seconde Guerre du Péloponnèse». On mentionne notamment les positions des députés durant les débats au Parlement sur les solutions à la question du raisin sec. Il est intéressant de noter que les députés du Péloponnèse se montrent en majorité d'accord avec les revendications faites dans leur propre circonscription électorale, et non avec les positions du parti auquel ils appartenaient.