Suchergebnisse

The text focuses on one specific aspect of Lukashenko´s nondemocratic regime – the position and function of political parties. These variables are analysed, among others, by the application of classical terms such as competition, competitiveness, and party system. On the one hand, political parties (including anti-system ones) officially exist and, as such, can participate in elections. On the other hand, there is only a minimal chance for (opposition) political parties to win a mandate by means of participating in elections or to gain a share of real political power. The text tries to find the answers to several interrelated questions: What are the consequences of the above mentioned facts in the Belarusian context, in terms of a theory of political parties? Why does the regime tolerate the existence of political parties? Why do political parties themselves participate in this system? Seeking answers to these questions, the article focuses mainly on the period from1995 to 2008, during which four parliamentary elections took place. However previous and current developments are also taken into account.

This article concerns the position of Magyar minority political parties in the Slovak party system. An analysis of the Magyar minority position in the Slovak society in terms of Slovak-Magyar relations development is included. The Magyars are the largest ethnic minority in several Central European countries. Almost 2.5 million Magyars live in the countries adjacent to Hungary. Their highest population share, at nearly 10 %, is in Slovakia. Unlike in adjacent countries, the Magyar minority in Slovakia has far more options for political self-fulfilment. Thanks to the Magyar share in the Slovak population, the Magyar parties regularly take one-tenth of the seats in the Slovak parliament. To characterize the role of the Magyar parties in the current Slovak party system, it is necessary to understand their behaviour in interwar Czechoslovakia. The Hungarian party sub-system is fundamentally influenced by election legislation. This forces minority parties to cooperate in coalition and integrate. Coalition or even consolidation of like-oriented minority and majority parties is out of the question in Slovakia. An electoral coalition between the Slovak and Magyar parties took place just once, in 1990. Since 1998, all relevant Magyar political parties have been integrated into the Party of the Hungarian Coalition (SMK). The electoral gains of the party have been increasing to date. Owing to its firm electoral base, the party has profited, one of the few to do so, from decreasing participation in elections. Although three former parties representing three different political streams have been integrated into the SMK, it has always acted as a single unit. The party has a solid position in the Slovak party system and it seems apparent that it will remain the sole political representative of Slovak Magyars in the future.

The article examines the positions of the Czech, Hungarian and Slovak social democratic political parties on the introduction of the permanent European Stability Mechanism as a means of addressing the economic and debt crisis in the EU. Using the categories of frames used by political parties in relation to the EU (utilitarian and cultural) introduced by Helbling et al., the political parties' representatives' speeches and written statements are analyzed. The analysis showed that all three of the parties use similar arguments and they tend to frame their opinions in both utilitarian and cultural terms with the category of "political efficiency" being the most frequent. While the most extensive debate about the issue was in Slovakia as the only Eurozone member of all three given countries, the Hungarian MSzP was able to conceive the topic in a broader context. The similarity of the positions of all three examined parties may indicate an ability of national political parties to constitute one of the key pillars in developing a supranational political system in the EU. ; The article examines the positions of the Czech, Hungarian and Slovak social democratic political parties on the introduction of the permanent European Stability Mechanism as a means of addressing the economic and debt crisis in the EU. Using the categories of frames used by political parties in relation to the EU (utilitarian and cultural) introduced by Helbling et al., the political parties' representatives' speeches and written statements are analyzed. The analysis showed that all three of the parties use similar arguments and they tend to frame their opinions in both utilitarian and cultural terms with the category of "political efficiency" being the most frequent. While the most extensive debate about the issue was in Slovakia as the only Eurozone member of all three given countries, the Hungarian MSzP was able to conceive the topic in a broader context. The similarity of the positions of all three examined parties may indicate an ability of ...

The article aims to show both the still very strong position of the USD in the global financial system and assess its likely future position. It illustrates that although the U.S. is no longer the dominant global economic power that it was when the dollar became the global reserve currency, the dollar so far is not in immediate danger of losing its privileged position. Despite the challenges facing the USD as the global reserve currency, it continues its dominant role since no other currency has shown itself strong and credible enough to replace it. Considerations on replacing dollar with other currency are no more than a speculation. Adapted from the source document.

Der Verfasser erläutert ausführlich den geschichtlichen Hintergrund, der es den Briten nach wie vor schwer macht, sich von den Vorstellungen einer außergewöhnlichen Stellung ihres Landes zu trennen. Das Imperium, das nicht mehr existiert, und das Commonwealth, das nur ein Schatten von sich selbst ist, entfernen England von Europa ebenso wie die Illusion fortgesetzter "besonderer Beziehungen" mit den USA. Großbritanien verlor sein Imperium, fand aber noch nicht seine neue Rolle. Diese liege in der Zuwendung zu Europa. Im strategischen Dreieck mit Paris und Bonn könne England vieles, allein auf sich gestellt jedoch nur wenig erreichen. Andererseits gelte es aber auch, daß Europa ohne England nur noch ein kleines Kap eines großen euroasiatischen Kontinents darstellen würde. (BIOst-Hrs)

This contribution is dealing with an evaluation of tourism position in the Czech society in the end of the 19th century and in the first decades of the 20th century. Tourism depending on social and economic state of society is examined as one of the attributes of modern society. The attention is preliminary paid to tourism development trends in the 19th century and to its position in the modernizing Czech society. The main part analyses tourism importance for individual social strata of the Czech society in the period under consideration. Analysis of tourism form from individual tourists' view and their preferences didn't stay out of attention.

The fight against illegal migration has become one of the key issues in EU politics in recent years. The author of this publication deals profoundly with the way how EU protects its borders and with the role that the European Agency for the Management of Operational Cooperation at the External Borders, generally known as FRONTEX, plays in border protection. This young agency, which was established only in 2005, has gained a position in the area of border protection in the EU. The aim of this book is to analyse the space FRONTEX has for autonomous action vis-a-vis the positions of the member states which perceive border protection to be one of their important competences

The status of minorities is in the modern world generally considered to be one of the measures of consolidation of democracy. This text analyzes position of members of Italian and Hungarian minorities in Slovene political system and the rate of their political participation in the decision-making process. The first part of this study is based on the analysis of the Constitution of the Republic of Slovenia and other fundamental laws that determinate the position of autochthonous minorities in Slovenia. The second part subsequently deals with the real possibilities of minorities' representatives to influence political decisions and their ability to enforce their rights and claims both on the local and state level.

In the article, issues relating to the sociopolitical measures aimed at increasing flexibility in managing the relationship between the spheres of work & family on the individual level of life strategies are examined within the framework of the gender theories of organization. The environment of management is described as a gender regime in which an organizational masculinity functions. This a priori establishes unequal conditions for the formation of women's career patterns. On the basis of a case study of the life strategies of women in managerial positions & other results drawn from research on the management environment from a gender perspective, the author identifies strategies employed toward women, who in the management environment are in the position of tokens, by the gender regime & its actors in the highest positions of the organizational hierarchy, & identifies the strategies that in connection with these conditions are created by women who desire to succeed in an environment set up in this way. The certain degree of flexibility that on the individual level can be achieved in the management environment is founded on a gender contract, which in the end continues to disadvantage women because it emerges in connection with the given structure of set rules of the environment. If flexibility is to be introduced as a nondiscriminatory mechanism, organizational masculinity as such must be called into question.

This article deals first with the relative affordability of owner-occupied housing in Prague compared to the situation in the Czech Republic in general. The relative position of Prague in this region is then assessed in a cross-national comparison and determined to be specific. The article's main objective is to uncover the main demand factors behind the high prices and the low affordability of owner-occupied housing in Prague. The authors focus on factors that derive from the specifi c economic position of Prague and the specific culturally-rooted preferences of Czech citizens for owner-occupied housing. Findings from numerous sociological studies and experiments have proved both of these factors to be very important, and their future development will thus largely be influenced by the affordability of housing in Prague.

This paper discusses the critiques forming the debate on the future of the two major global financial institutions -- the IMF & the WB. The author does not claim what the IMF & the WB really are, but reviews how they are seen by their critics. The article describes & summarizes the multifaceted critical discussion & proposes an elementary scheme formed by four basic positions. These are based on two variables: (1) moderation or radicalism of the critiques; (2) their affiliation with the right or the left side of the political spectrum. As a result, four basic critical positions emerge: right reformers, right radicals, left reformers, & left radicals. This paper characterizes each of them by overviewing the opinions of two representative participants of the discussion. 1 Diagram, 125 References. Adapted from the source document.

This article presents a critical commentary on the debate between M. Louzek & P. Drulak. First, in direct contradiction to Louzek's position, the article argues that "objectivity" in social science is not based on a dogmatic belief in the ability of a particular theory to seize the "truth" of the world-out-there. Instead, the only way to approach the ideal of objectivity in our varied & complex world is to facilitate an open debate between different theoretical positions. The article then discusses the dichotomy between positivism & normativism introduced by Louzek. This dichotomy is artificial; realism is no less "normatively-oriented" than alternative paradigms in international relations theory. However, there is a relevant distinction between analytically-oriented & normatively-oriented theories that is overlooked by Louzek, who wrongly believes that all nonrealist theories of international relations belong to the group of normative theories. Adapted from the source document.

The article first describes the specific conditions of Czech "green politics" closely before & after November 1989 & argues that these conditions not only account for the Green Party's unsuccessful involvement in Czech politics, but also led to the exclusion of politicians focused on environmental issues from decisive positions in the important political parties. It offers a detailed description of the developments in the Green Party around 2002, especially of the agreement between the Brandys forum & the "old" Green Party, the "dark-green" fraction's takeover of the Green Party, & the improvement of the Green Party's political position that was nevertheless accompanied by internal conflict. An extensive subsequent part of the article deals with the policy of the Czech Ministry of the Environment. Finally, the article discusses the internal split within the Green Party & the future prospects of environmental policy in the Czech Republic. References. Adapted from the source document.