Kurdi su koncentrirani na nepristupačnom području planina Zagros i Taurskog gorja što se smatra njihovim etničkim prostorom pod nazivom Kurdistan. Unatoč brojnosti, Kurdi nemaju vlastitu nacionalnu državu, već je prostor Kurdistana podijeljeno između četiri države- Turske, Irana, Iraka i Sirije. Svrha rada je pronaći glavne uzroke zbog čega Kurdi nisu iskoristili povijesnu priliku za osnivanje neovisne države nakon raspada Osmanskog Carstva i ispitati mogućnost za osnivanje Kurdistana u budućnosti. Radi tradicionalne podjele u kurdskom društvu na plemena i klanove, Kurdi su kasnije formirali modernu nacionalnu svijest i osjećaj pripadnosti jedinstvenom narodu. Kroz dvadeseto stoljeće slabi plemenska struktura, ali se podjela nastavlja u obliku političkog sukoba kurdskih stranaka oko ciljeva i metoda rješavanja kurdskog pitanja. Oprečni stavovi kurdskog naroda oko pitanja ujedinjenja kurdskih regija u jedinstvenu državu onemogućuje njihovo zajedničko istupanje. U daljnjem tekstu se ističe da međunarodna zajednica nije sklona osnivanju neovisne kurdske države jer bi spomenuto pridonijelo destabilizaciji već turbulentne regije. Regionalne sile neće dopustiti ugrozu vlastitog teritorijalnog integriteta, a velike sile koriste Kurde kao sredstvo za ostvarivanje pojedinih interesa u regiji. ; The Kurds are inhabiting an inaccessible area of the Zagros and Taurus mountains which is considered their ethnic space called Kurdistan. Despite of vast number of the Kurdish people, their independent country does not exist and the territory of Kurdistan is divided by 4 different countries – Turkey, Iran, Iraq and Syria. The main purpose of this research was to discover the real reason why Kurds did not take an advantage of a historical opportunity to establish an independent country after the fall of the Ottoman Empire and to consider a possibility of establishing Kurdistan in the future. Because Kurds are traditionally divided into tribes and clans, later they have formed a modern idea of national consciousness and an ...
Sažetak Financijski interesi Europske unije danas nisu dovoljno zaštićeni, a na prekogranične prijevare povezane s PDV-om otpada velik dio gubitaka u nacionalnim proračunima. Postojećim tijelima Europske unije, Europskom uredu za borbu protiv prijevara (OLAF), Agenciji Europske unije za suradnju u području kaznenog pravosuđa (Eurojust) i Europskom policijskom uredu (Europol) nedostaju potrebna ovlaštenja za provođenje kaznenih istraga i progon počinitelja kaznenih dijela počinjenih na štetu financijskih interesa Europske unije. Stoga su države članice Europske unije zaključile da im je u borbi protiv počinitelja kaznenih djela počinjenih na štetu financijskih interesa Europske unije nužna pojačana suradnja osnivanjem neovisnog i visoko specijaliziranog ureda tužiteljstva, čiji će tužitelji provoditi istrage na usklađen način u svim državama članicama sudionica, te će brzo razmjenjivati informacije i udružiti napore kako bi osigurali koordinirane istrage, te brzo zamrzavanje ili oduzimanje imovine u cilju što učinkovitije zaštite financijskih interesa Europske unije. Integracija Ureda europskog javnog tužitelja (u daljnjem tekstu: EPPO ) u nacionalne pravne sustave država članica sudionica zahtijevat će promjene određenih zakonskih propisa, pa tako i u Republici Hrvatskoj. Stoga će i kaznenopravni sustav Republike Hrvatske morati doživjeti određene prilagodbe i izmjene. Prilagodbe će biti nužne u načinu rada i postupanju državnih odvjetnika ali i drugih sudionika u kaznenom postupku, osobito u prethodnom postupku, u kojem će EPPO putem europskih delegiranih tužitelja obavljati sve radnje i preuzeti prava i obveze državnih odvjetnika. The Role and Position of the European Public Prosecutor in Croatian Preliminary Proceedings The present financial interests of the European Union are not sufficiently protected, and VAT-related cross-border frauds account for extensive losses in national budgets. Existing EU bodies, the European Anti-Fraud Office (OLAF), the European Union's Judicial Cooperation Unit (Eurojust) and the European Union's law enforcement agency (Europol) lack the necessary powers to conduct criminal investigations and prosecute perpetrators of criminal offences committed to the detriment of financial interests of the European Union. To combat the perpetrators of criminal offences committed to the detriment of the European Union's financial interests, the EU Member States recognized the need for enhanced cooperation. Thus, by setting up an independent and highly specialized prosecutor's office, whose prosecutors will conduct investigations in a coordinated manner in all participating Member States, information will be exchanged swiftly, and forces joined to ensure coordinated investigations, rapid seizure and confiscation of assets in order to protect the European Union's financial interests as effectively as possible. The integration of the European Public Prosecutor's Office (hereinafter: EPPO) into the national legal systems of the participating Member States will require changes in their legislation, the Republic of Croatia included. Therefore, the criminal justice system of the Republic of Croatia will have to undergo certain adjustments and changes. How prosecutors and other criminal proceedings participants work and act will need to be adjusted especially in the preliminary proceedings in which EPPO will perform all actions and assume the rights and obligations of the prosecutors through the European Delegated Prosecutors. Keywords: European Public Prosecutor's Office, European prosecutors, European Delegated Prosecutors, the financial interest of the EU, Council Regulation implementing enhanced cooperation on the establishment of the EPPO, PIF Directive. ; Financial interests of the European Union are not sufficiently protected nowadays, and VAT-related cross-border frauds account for much of the losses in national budgets. Existing EU bodies, the European Anti-Fraud Office (OLAF), the European Union's judicial cooperation unit (Eurojust) and the European Union's law enforcement agency (Europol) lack the necessary powers to conduct criminal investigations and prosecute perpetrators of criminal offences committed to the detriment of financial interests of the European Union. Therefore, EU Member States concluded that in order to combat perpetrators of criminal offences committed to the detriment of the European Union's financial interests, enhanced cooperation is needed by setting up an independent and highly specialized prosecutor's office, whose prosecutors will conduct investigations in a coordinated manner in all participating Member States, and swiftly exchange information and join forces to ensure coordinated investigations, rapid seizure and confiscation of assets in order to protect the European Union's financial interests as effectively as possible. The integration of the European Public Prosecutor's Office (hereinafter: EPPO) into the national legal systems of the participating Member States will require changes in certain legislation, including in the Republic of Croatia. Therefore, the criminal justice system of the Republic of Croatia will have to undergo certain adjustments and changes. The manner in which prosecutors and other criminal proceedings participants work and act will need to be adjusted especially in the preliminary proceedings in which EPPO will perform all actions and assume the rights and obligations of the prosecutors through the European Delegated Prosecutors.
New challenges that welfare states cope with brought to changed priorities in the area of social policies and the growing promotion of the dual-breadwinner model in European countries. As patterns of behaviour of men and women in the labour market are not just a reflection of the economic situation, the cultural context and individual beliefs, but also of the existing institutional arrangements in the area of social policies, work-family policies are becoming increasingly important and the area of growing intervention in many countries. Variations in work-family policies and economic activity, and the characteristics of the employment of parents in European countries bring the issue of their effect on the outcomes of parents at the labour market in the focus of interest of political and scientific debates, and efforts have been particularly made to answer the question which schemes of work-family policies really contribute to larger employment rates of parents and their better outcomes at the labour market, which is the central question of this paper as well. After a brief insight into the position of parents at the labour market in EU countries, particularly focusing on the gender differences and the differences between parents and childless individuals, the paper presents a detailed review of the results of the research dealing with the effects of different institutional context, i.e. work-family policies, on the outcomes of the parents at the labour market. The final part of the paper contains a brief discussion about the implications of the presented results of comparative studies on the situation and the development of measures in the area of work-family policies in Croatia, which clearly indicate the need for reforms. ; Novi izazovi s kojima se nose socijalne države doveli su do promijenjenih prioriteta na području socijalnih politika te rastuće promocije modela dvostrukog hranitelja u europskim zemljama. Kako obrasci ponašanja muškaraca i žena na tržištu rada nisu tek odraz ekonomske situacije te kulturnog konteksta i individualnih uvjerenja, već i postojećih institucionalnih uređenja na području socijalnih politika, upravo politike usklađivanja obiteljskih obaveza i plaćenog rada postaju višestruko važne te područje rastuće intervencije u mnogim zemljama. Varijacije u politikama usklađivanja i ekonomskoj aktivnosti te obilježjima zaposlenosti roditelja u europskim zemljama dovode pitanje njihova učinka na ishode roditelja na tržištu rada u središte interesa javnopolitičkih i znanstvenih rasprava, a posebice se pokušava dati odgovor na pitanje kakve sheme politika usklađivanja obiteljskih obaveza i plaćenog rada stvarno i doprinose većim stopama zaposlenosti roditelja i njihovim boljim ishodima na tržištu rada, što je središnje pitanje i ovog rada. Nakon kratkog uvida u položaj roditelja na tržištu rada u zemljama EU-a, posebice se fokusirajući na rodne razlike te razlike između roditelja i pojedinaca bez djece, daje se detaljan pregled rezultata istraživanja koja su se bavila djelovanjem različitog institucionalnog konteksta, odnosno politika usklađivanja obiteljskih obaveza i plaćenog rada, na ishode roditelja na tržištu rada. U zaključnom se dijelu kratko raspravljaju implikacije prikazanih rezultata komparativnih studija za stanje i razvoj mjera na području politika usklađivanja obiteljskih obaveza i plaćenog rada u Hrvatskoj, a koje jasno ukazuju na nužnost reformi.
Rad se temelji na analizi hrvatskog Indeksa razvijenosti objavljenog 2013. godine i njegovih pokazatelja na razini lokalne samouprave. U prvome dijelu rada opisuje se konstrukcija indeksa i teorijski i praktični problemi konstrukcije kompozitnih indeksa te njihova uloga u razvojnoj teoriji. U drugome dijelu provedena je analiza komponenata i klasterska analiza indeksa za 556 jedinica lokalne uprave u Republici Hrvatskoj. Na temelju analize identificirano je šest klastera i tri tipa razvijenosti koje indeks iskazuje: nerazvijenost, razvoj jedinice i ljudski razvoj. Pokazalo se da indeks favorizira razvoj jedinice, karakterističan za primorske jedinice, temeljen na visokim prihodima gradova i općina te kretanju stanovništva, nauštrb ljudskog razvoja, koji se iskazuje kroz zaposlenost, osobne prihode i obrazovanje, iako je intencija indeksa obratna. Zaključuje se da bi indeks trebalo modificirati kako bi se bolje naglasila komponenta ljudskog razvoja. ; The paper is based on the analysis of the Croatian Development Index published in 2013 and its indicators on the local self-government level. The first part of the paper describes the index construction, as well as theoretical and practical problems associated with the construction of composite indices and their role in development theory. The second part presents the conducted analysis of the components and cluster analysis of indices for 556 local self-government units in the Republic of Croatia. Based on the analysis, six clusters and three types of development shown by the index have been identified: low development, unit development and human development. It was revealed that the index favours unit development, characteristic for littoral units, based on high incomes of towns and municipalities and population trends, at the expense of human development expressed through employment, personal income and education, although the intention of the index is quite contrary. It has been concluded that the index should be modified to better emphasise the human development component.
Teritorijalna organizacija lokalne i regionalne samouprave koja je postojala u Hrvatskoj omogućila je centralističko upravljanje javnim poslovima. Analizira se stanje u pogledu položaja općina, gradova i županija i predlažu osnovni pravci reforme teritorijalne organizacije. Posebno se obrazlažu položaj i osnovni sistemski problemi upravljanja Gradom Zagrebom te predlažu moguća poboljšanja. ; The territorial organization of local and regional self-government which existed in Croatia led to centralistic administration of public affairs. The situation with regard to the position of municipalities, towns or cities and counties has been analysed and basic tendencies of the reform of the territorial organization are proposed. The position and main systemic problems of the City of Zagreb administration have been explained in particular and possible improvements are suggested. The territorial organization is only formally polytypical, since in reality differences in the status of municipalities and towns or cities are almost insignificant, two-tier, counties being units of the second tier, with a great number of small municipalities, In each category of local units, from municipalities through towns or cities to counties, there are very considerable differences in size among particular units. It is proposed to stop the tendency of multiplying basic local units (municipalities and towns or cities), widen independence and responsibility of larger towns and gradually reform the organization of counties. The main systemic problems of the City of Zagreb have not been solved satisfactorily. Zagreb is under the tutorship of the central state government, its relations with the closer surrounding area are regulated badly, influence on the city level is concentrated within the executive bodies, particularly the mayor whose responsibility is questionable, and not even incomplete decentralisation in the form of local self-government within the area of the City has been established for more than seven years. It is proposed to establish such a system which would combine elements of strong and efficient political leadership and an appropriate level of democracy, with the direct election of the mayor by citizens, independence of the city administration of the central state administration as well as multilevel metropolitan administration which would ensure the realization of the interests of the City, but also its close surrounding area.
In Macedonian culture and remembrance, the children evacuated from northern Greek villages in 1948 by communist activists during the Greek Civil War and sent to socialist states in the Balkans and in Eastern Europe are known as "child refugees from the Aegean part of Macedonia." Such narratives, as part of a contested past, play an important part in the national politics of memory, usually as a tool utilized in the master narratives, but are not theoretically analyzed any further and lack further epistemic and educational presence in the historical curriculum. Thus, I am interested in the position of these oral testimonies in the politics of memory and their potential to challenge the politics of memory. ; U makedonskoj kulturi i sjećanju, djeca koju su 1948. za vrijeme Grčkog građanskog rata komunisti evakuirali iz sela na sjeveru Grčke i poslali u socijalističke države na Balkanu i u Istočnoj Europi danas su poznata kao "djeca izbjeglice iz egejskog dijela Makedonije". Takvi narativi, kao dio sporne povijesti, igraju bitnu ulogu u nacionalnoj politici sjećanja, obično kao sredstvo koje se koristi za izgradnju metanarativa, ali ih se dalje od toga teoretski ne analizira niti oni drže epistemičko i edukacijsko mjesto u povijesnom kurikulumu. Stoga, zainteresirana sam za poziciju tih oralnih svjedočanstava u politici sjećanja i njihov potencijal da ospore politiku sjećanja.
The changes in the social position of women in transitional countries is the consequence of the latest economic & political changes in the countries of Central & Eastern Europe. Croatians think that the social position of women today is worse than in the former regime; in this, women are more critical than men, particularly well-educated women, working outside the home (modernists). Those who believe that the position of women today is better than it used to comprise a smaller group; they believe that a woman's place is primarily in the home, that the church should have a decisive say in the position of women, that women are not born for politics, & that pro-choice attitudes should not be tolerated. Women should resolve their dissatisfaction with their lives & social position by choosing either the modern or the traditional variant, or a middle path, which has been suggested by the logic of the newly created living conditions. 8 Tables, 2 Graphs, 9 References. Adapted from the source document.
Cilj ovog rada jest objasniti pojam i ulogu stranke za svo vrijeme trajanja upravnog postupka. Dakle, u ovom će se radu razmatrati aktualno pravo Republike Hrvatske koje se odnosi na institut stranke u upravnom postupku. U prvom dijelu rada govori se o samom upravnom postupku, tijeku upravnog postupka te o diferencijaciji pojmova upravnog postupka i upravnog spora. Također, navode se načela općeg upravnog postupka s posebnim naglaskom na ona načela koja se izravno odnose na položaj i prava stranke u upravnom postupku. U radu se pozornost usmjerava na institut stranke prilikom čega se analizira pojam te vrste stranke, pretpostavke za njihovo djelovanje te mogućnosti koje stranke imaju tijekom upravnog postupka. Uz analizu položaja stranke u upravnom postupku, pozornost se usmjerava i na ograničenja koja stranke imaju prema posebnim propisima te opravdanost istih. ; The aim of this paper is to explain the concept and role of the party in the entire administrative procedure. Therefore, this paper will consider the current law of the Republic of Croatia relating to the institute of a party in administrative proceedings. The first part of the paper discusses the administrative procedure itself, the course of the administrative procedure and the differentiation of the concepts of administrative procedure and administrative dispute. Also, the principles of general administrative procedure are stated, with special emphasis on those principles that directly relate to the position and rights of the party in the administrative procedure. The paper focuses on the institute of the party, which analyzes the concept of this type of party, the preconditions for their actions and the possibilities that the parties have during the administrative procedure. In addition to the analysis of the position of the party in the administrative procedure, attention is also focused on the restrictions that the parties have under special regulations and their justification.
The author describes historical & contemporary geopolitical position of the Black Sea region. Up to the present times the primary significance of the region has lain in its trade routes & other transit communications that connect Europe, the Middle East & Asia. Having such geografic position the region has been an interest sphere of great powers & regional states & conquerors. Today most of states of the Black Sea region are economically poor, have unstable political systems & burdened with constant & potential explosive problems. References. Adapted from the source document.
Rad obuhvaća istraživanje slovačkog položaja u okviru Austro-Ugarske Monarhije na prijelazu iz 19. u 20. stoljeće. Kratko je opisano dualističko uređenje i središnje karakteristike Austro-Ugarske Monarhije na prijelazu iz 19. u 20. stoljeće. Detaljnije je objašnjen slovački položaj unutar Austro-Ugarske Monarhije uzimajući u obzir mađarizaciju, slovačku političku agendu, utjecaj vanjske i unutarnje politike i čehoslovačku suradnju. Na kraju rada izložen je zaključak o obilježjima slovačkog položaja u Austro-Ugarskoj Monarhiji. ; The work covers an exploration of the Slovak position within the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy at the turn of the 19thand 20thcenturies. The dualistic arrangement and central features of the Austro- Hungarian Monarchy at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries are briefly described. The Slovak position within the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy is explained in more detail, taking into account Hungarianization, the Slovak political agenda, the influence of foreign as well as internal politics and Czechoslovak cooperation. At the end of the paper, a conclusion on the characteristics of the Slovak position in the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy is presented.
Due to their strategic position, the Baltic states, throughout their history, have always been a kind of buffer zone, which has to a large extent affected their development. In the new European environment, the Baltic region is today somewhat marginalized, but because of its proximity to Russia, it has an important strategic position. The Baltic states want to join NATO & the EU because they in this see a guarantee of their security & stability. This may also be an opportunity for solving the very delicate relationship with Russia, still an important actor influencing the Baltic states. 15 References. Adapted from the source document.
Nakon višestoljetnoga zajedničkog života u okviru istovjetnih društvenih uvjeta i političkih tvorevina, završetkom ratnih razračunavanja s kraja 17. i drugoga desetljeća 18. stoljeća vrgoračko-ljubuški prostor se našao na periferiji dvaju imperijalnih sustava, na granici njihova dodira. Te su činjenice potaknule proces oblikovanja novih prostorno-regionalnih identiteta kod toga istovjetnog etnokulturnog i etnokonfesionalnog korpusa kakvim ih prepoznajemo danas. Vrgoračko-ljubuški prostor jes predratne periferije Osmanskoga Carstva spomenutim ratnim razgraničenjima podijeljen te uklopljen u vojnokrajiški i osmansko-mletački sustav nastavljajući tako kompleksan historijsko-geografski razvitak s obiju strana granica. ; After several centuries of living together under identical social circumstances and within the same political entities, at the end of war conflicts in the late 17th century and the second decade of the 18th century, the Vrgorac-Ljubuški area found itself on the periphery of two imperial systems, at the very border between them. These circumstances triggered the process of shaping new regional identities, as we know them today, within this unified ethno-cultural and ethno-confessional corps. The Vrgorac-Ljubuški area, pre-war periphery of the Ottoman Empire, was thus divided according to the aforementioned war demarcations and fitted into the Military Border, Ottoman, and Venetian space, continuing its complex historical and geographic development on both sides of the border.
The author describes the spiritual climate at the time of the publication of Rawis' A Theory of Justice (1971) & describes its huge impact on the political philosophy of the 20th century. Then he analyses Rawls' acknowledgement of Kant. First he depicts Rawls' formulation of his original position along the lines of Kant's idea of the autonomy of the individual & the categorical imperative. There might be some problems with the possible convergence of Rawls' economism & Kant's moral position. According to Rawis, the original position parties may express their nature, but at the same time they belong to the intelligible world. Raws has tried to overcome this divergence from Kant's concept in his paper Kantian Constructivism in Moral Theory by means of distinguishing between the rational & the full autonomy, from which the author concludes that Rawis was inclined to adopt a certain version of utilitarianism. According to the author, Rawis' attempt to bridge Kant's rigorous distinction between the law & the morality by means of his sense of justice is entirely alien to Kant. Hence there is an unbridgable chasm between Kant & Rawis, which does not mean that Rawis' attempt at using Kant's categories in the design of democratic societies is insufficiently legitimate. 71 References. Adapted from the source document.
