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Now in its fifth year, the civil war in Syria has created one of the world's largest humanitarian and security crises. The crisis in itself contains the historical background to the situation of Syrian refugees. While the issue is subject to another discussion, it is important to refer to the Muslim refugee problem for a better understanding of today's situation. Approaches to the Muslim refugee crisis differ considerably throughout the world. Probably the most striking point is that while the West has sheltered Muslims, providing them with homes and jobs, the neighbouring countries sharing the same religion have ignored the Muslim population and done nothing. This is an important criticism directed at fellow Arabs who have always blamed the West for the refugee crisis and will be addressed in the article in detail. The number of Syrians seeking refuge in Turkey is currently close to 2 million. Turkey, implementing an "open door" policy to every Syrian crossing the border and issuing "temporary protection" status, has spent 5 billion dollars on the refugee crisis up to November 2014. For the Syrians in Turkey, the possibility of returning to their own country has been gradually decreasing due to the escalation of the civil war. The situation revealing the severity of the situation of Syrian asylum seekers points out that the issue has evolved into a complex problem that requires a multi-dimensional analysis in all its humanitarian, legal, political, social and financial aspects. This article is written mainly based on online research and a deep assessment of reports prepared by GOs, NGOs, the UN and other international agencies and various news pieces and articles. The policy of the Turkish Government has also been closely analysed by including the discourse of President of the Republic of Turkey, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, in relation to the civil war that has evolved into a global refugee and human security crisis demanding urgent and coordinated humanitarian actions, apart from the military and political response.This article tries to explain Syrian asylum seekers' position in Turkey and Turkey's position from the perspective of human security and the rest of the world's perception. ; Nel suo quinto anno, la guerra civile in Siria ha creato una delle crisi umanitarie e di sicurezza più grande nel mondo. La crisi in sé contiene uno storico background alla situazione dei rifugiati siriani. Mentre la questione è soggetta a un'altra discussione, è importante riferirsi al problema del rifugiato musulmano per meglio capire la situazione attuale. Gli approcci alla crisi del rifugiato musulmano differiscono considerevolmente per tutto il mondo. Probabilmente il punto che colpisce di più è che, mentre l'Occidente ha protetto i musulmani fornendo ad essi casa e lavoro, i paesi vicini che condividono la stessa religione hanno ignorato la popolazione musulmana e non hanno fatto niente. Questa è un'importante critica diretta ai compagni arabi che hanno sempre incolpato l'Occidente della crisi dei rifugiati, e ciò è approfondito in dettaglio nell'articolo. Il numero dei siriani che hanno cercato rifugio in Turchia è attualmente vicino ai 2 milioni. La Turchia, mettendo in pratica la politica della "porta aperta" a ogni siriano che attraversa il confine e al quale attribuisce lo status di "temporanea protezione", ha speso 5 miliardi di dollari per la crisi dei rifugiati fino al novembre 2014. Per i siriani in Turchia, la possibilità di ritornare nel proprio paese è stata progressivamente in diminuzione a causa dell'intensificazione della guerra civile. La situazione che rivela la gravità della situazione dei siriani che ricercano asilo indica che la questione è evoluta in un problema complesso che richiede un'analisi multidimensionale in tutti i suoi aspetti umanitari, legali, politici, sociali e finanziari. Questo articolo è scritto principalmente basandosi su una ricerca online e un'approfondita valutazione dei reports preparati dalle organizzazioni governative (GOs), dalle organizzazioni non governative (NGOs), dalle agenzie dell'ONU e di altre agenzie internazionali e varie notizie e articoli. La politica del governo turco è stata analizzata includendovi il discorso del presidente della Repubblica di Turchia, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, relativamente alla guerra civile che è sviluppata in una crisi globale del rifugiato e della sicurezza, richiedente azioni umanitarie urgenti e coordinate, oltreché risposte militari e politiche. L'articolo spiega la posizione dei siriani che cercano asilo in Turchia e la posizione della Turchia dalla prospettive della sicurezza umana e della percezione del mondo.

The problem of a woman's role in an Islamic world evokes today a lot of emotions in the context, on one hand, of bigger and bigger sensibility of the world on the equality of rights of sex, and on the other wider presence of Muslim communities in cultures which are traditionally strange or directly reluctant to Islam.The author stipulates that her article is not an attempt of judging a woman's position in an Islamic world, but only a presentation how a woman's role in shown by the Quran and Islamic traditions in the womb of Muslim communities which have different tints dictated by legal or mental interpretations. Contemporary legislation of Islamic states has a fundamental place in the article.A figure of a woman appears in the text of Quran very often, even more often than in the Bible. However, a woman in the Quran appears rather as an impersonal form, without any specific name, and rather as an area of certain rules used towards her. A special exception is Blessed virgin, the Mother of Jesus whose name is repeated in the Quran more often than in Gospels. Muhammad appreciated a woman's value when he took her situation into consideration in times contemporary to him. He gave her what she did not have in that tribal culture of Arabic people e.g. equality in nature to a man, right to succeed, recognition of birth of a daughter as God's blessing.However, taking into consideration appropriate texts of the Quran showing a woman as a creature having her own dignity, created like a man by God, as well as texts of different traditions, or contemporary sharias, one thing cannot be given to a woman – the equality of rights.It is visible in many facts presented in the article, for example: religious admissibility, legal polygamy and its actual existence, practically a woman cannot take the first step to divorce, a woman cannot marry a non-Muslim, factual "belonging" of children to a father, and not to a father and mother, different levels of impossibility of gaining education depending on local legislation or customs, ...

La autoridad y habilidad oratoria de Néstor, ensalzadas por el narrador, juegan un importante papel en el debate respecto a la autoridad de Agamenón. Los discursos pronunciados en Asambleas militares en el libro 1 y 9 de la Ilíada se observa la posición de Néstor sobre este problema político. Éste se mantiene constante en cuanto a su contenido, como en el uso de determinados métodos retóricos. Néstor muestra una idea de la autoridad opuesta al uso personal del poder realizado por Agamenón, en busca de una acción comunitaria tanto en términos de los procedimientos de decisión y objetivos. ; Nestor's authority and rhetorical skills, praised by the narrator, play an important role in the debate concerning Agamemnon's authority. The speeches pronounced in the army's assemblies of Il.1 and 9 make it possible to observe Nestor's position about this political problem. It remains constant in content as in the use of specific rhetorical means. Nestor shows an idea of authority antithetical to the personal use of power made by Agamemnon, looking for a communitarian action both in terms of decision-making procedures and goals. ; L'autorita e l'abilita oratoria di Nestore, lodate dal narratore, lo rendono protagonista nel dibattito sull'autorita di Agamennone. Nel contesto dei discorsi pronunciati in assemblea nel I e nel IX libro dell'Iliade e possibile seguire la posizione di Nestore rispetto a tale questione politica. Essa rimane costante tanto nei contenuti quanto nel ricorso a precisi stilemi oratori, i quali sembrano veicolare istanze d'autorita originali nella loro opposizione all'uso arbitrario del potere da parte di Agamennone, cosi come nel ruolo fondante attribuito ad una azione che sia comunitaria a livello decisionale e d'interesse.

In 2010, the Catalonian government authorities began a process of demanding their claimed right to self-determination that has led them to taking unilateral decisions that have compromised the effectiveness of the Rule of Law. The Constitutional Court plays a crucial role in performing state controls on the unlawful activity of the Autonomous Communities, but during the last decade the institution has been subject to extraordinary strain. Those seeking to delegitimize its work and, therefore, the entire present constitutional system, have placed it no longer as an arbitrator, but as part of the conflict between powers. ; Desde el año 2010, los poderes públicos de Cataluña iniciaron un camino de reivindicación de un presunto derecho de autodeterminación que les ha hecho adoptar decisiones unilaterales que han puesto en juego la vigencia misma del Estado de Derecho.El Tribunal Constitucional juega un papel crucial en el ejercicio de los controles estatales sobre la actividad ilícita de las Comunidades Autónomas, pero el desgaste de la institución durante la última década ha sido extraordinario. Quienes pretenden deslegitimar su labor y, con ella, el conjunto del sistema constitucional vigente lo han situado no ya como árbitro, sino como parte del conflicto entre poderes. ; Desde el año 2010, los poderes públicos de Cataluña iniciaron un camino de reivindicación de un presunto derecho de autodeterminación que les ha hecho adoptar decisiones unilaterales que han puesto en juego la vigencia misma del Estado de Derecho.El Tribunal Constitucional juega un papel crucial en el ejercicio de los controles estatales sobre la actividad ilícita de las Comunidades Autónomas, pero el desgaste de la institución durante la última década ha sido extraordinario. Quienes pretenden deslegitimar su labor y, con ella, el conjunto del sistema constitucional vigente lo han situado no ya como árbitro, sino como parte del conflicto entre poderes.

Re-reading Rawls' Introduction to the paperback edition of Political Liberalism for an understanding of the "kantian turn". Difference between the "political conception of justice"and the pluralism of rea- sonable comprehensive doctrines. The relation between the criterion of reciprocity, reasonable (as intrinsic normative and moral ideal) and categorical imperative. This problem refers to the possibility of an interpretation of the original position in light of the reasonable. Primary goods and the "conception of free personality" as normative connotations of a constitutional democracy. Beginning with Ra- wls'teaching on categorical imperative in the Lectures at Harvard University.

In the period between 1889 and 1914, the debate on peace and war in international socialism was deep and wide. In this essay I will focus on the left-wing positions identifying two models. On the one hand, the "anti-capitalist pacifism", which connects peace to the political and social revolution: the position of Rosa Luxemburg serves as an example. On the other hand, the "political pacifism", which pursues peace here and now as the basic premise of socialism: this position is represented by the anarchist-socialist Gustav Landauer.

What remains the basic way of compensating national parliaments for the loss of some of their legislative powers in favour of EU institutions is – as before the Treaty of Lisbon entered into force – their power to influence their own governments in EU affairs, especially on positions taken by the government in the course of the EU legislative procedures. The regulatory framework currently in force in Poland is enshrined in the Act of 8 October 2010 on the cooperation of the Council of Ministers with the Sejm and the Senate in matters relating to the Republic of Poland's membership of the European Union, hereinafter referred to as the Cooperation Act. In accordance with the provisions of the Cooperation Act the European Affairs Committee of the Sejm (SUE) and the European Union Affairs Committee of the Senat (KSUE) may express their opinion on EU draft legislative act or draft legal act under Article 352 (1) of the TfEU, positions taken in the course of EU law-making procedures and the Republic of Poland's position to be taken or presented in the Council or in the European Council. But only an opinion expressed by the SUE within the time limits set forth in the Act, on any of the draft acts and on the positions, should provide a basis for the Republic of Poland's position. If a position taken or presented by the government in the Council or in the European Council has not taken into account the SUE's opinion, a member of the Council of Ministers [Article 13 (2)] or a representative of the Council of Ministers [Article 11 (3) and 12 (3)] are required to explain the reasons for such discrepancy to the SUE.

Sommaire: 1. Le contexte général. – 2. La mise en œuvre de Brexit au Royaume-Uni. – 3. La position du Gouvernement britannique relative à la coopération judiciaire en matière civile et pénale après le Brexit. – 3.1. Le droit pénal et la coopération policière. – 3.2. Le droit civil et familial. – 4. La position de la Commission européenne. – 5. L'accord sur le retrait. – 6. La Déclaration politique. – 7. Analyse.

Starting from the review of the expression gradus dignitatis, used by Cicero in rep. I 27, 43, by means of a specific semantic-etymological investigation of the lemma dignitas and by comparing the different translations of this couple of words in the main modern languages, the paper attempts to reconstruct the position held by Cicero about the choice of magistratures within the optimus status civitatis. A position of highly meritocratic mark and in open polemic against the principle, promoted by the supporters of democratic regimes, of aequitas / aequabilitas in covering official positions, in a dialectical relationship with Plato and Aristotle. In the background of the specific debate opened by Cicero we also glimpse a thin network of references to the analysis of the constitutions and public offices among Sparta, Carthage and Rome led by Polybius in the sixth book of his Historiae.