Suchergebnisse

Within contemporary geopolitical processes, respect for the rights of national minorities is no longer the discretion of a state, but rather is an indirect or direct international regulation of the minority issue. In the beginning of the 1990s, the political economical crisis and disintegration of the former SFRY opened the national question, that was considered to be permanently and successfully solved, in the most dramatic way, and ethnic conflicts and clashes followed the desintegration of the country. With the formation of a new states on the territory of the former Yugoslavia, the existence of numerous and different national minorities ("old" and "new") required a different approach to their protection and integration in complex political circumstances. Thus, the position of the so called new minorities drastically changed since they formed constituent nations in the former SFRY, while after secession they remained separated from their home nations and became national minorities almost overnight. Out of Serbia, in former Yugoslav republics live nearly half a million persons belonging to Serbian nationality as new national minority. The paper discusses the position and rights of the Serbian minority in the post Yugoslav states (Slovenia, Croatia, Northern Macedonia, Montenegro) as well as in some neighboring member states of the European Union (Hungary, Romania, Bulgaria). In addition to the analysis of basic demographic indicators (number and spatial distribution) that determine the realization of the rights and freedoms of each minority, the paper examines the issue of protecting the national, cultural and linguistic identity of Serbs, as well as the ways of its preservation and improvement. Although the social and legal status of the Serbian minority is determined by European standards, the analysis points to their undefined status, since they still do not recognize the status of a national minority in some countries, and that they are in practice faced with more or less assimilation. In order to fully realize minority rights and improve the position of the Serb minority, ratified international documents, bilateral agreements, national laws, as well as well-designed policies and assistance from the home state are of great importance.Respecting basic human rights and freedom, as well as national minority protection, represent the basic factors of stability, security and democratic and socio-economic development of every country.

This paper, using the operational method of content analysis, gives an overview of the programmatic attitudes of the parties in Serbia about the province of Kosovo and Metohija. We have used internet presentations of the parties in our case, but in some cases this meant that these were outdated programs from the period of diametrically opposed political circumstances in the country and the world, or general presentations without stating when and where the program was adopted. In any case, the Kosovo and Metohija issue is recognized by most parties, especially those with the most numerous membership and a long tradition, as an issue of first-class state importance. The parties are almost unanimous when it comes to protecting the rights of Serbs, their cultural heritage, and the economic interests of Serbia in the province. However, the positioning of the parties with regard to the final status of the province has brought major differences. Some parties stand firmly on the position of Resolution 1244 and the 2006 Constitution of the Republic of Serbia in relation to this matter, while on the opposite side are those political factors advocating for a permanent solution based on compromise. The statements of contemporary political actors in Serbia about the province of Kosovo and Metohija are not the subject of this paper, but we are exclusively focused on programs as a permanent testimony to the attitude of political circles in Serbia towards the aforementioned issue to this day.

The changes in the social position of women in transitional countries is the consequence of the latest economic and political changes in the countries of Central and Eastern Europe. Croatians think that the social position of women today is worse than in the former regime; in this, women are more critical than men, particularly the well-educated women, working outside the home (modernists). Those who nevertheless do believe that the position of women today is better than it used to be, make a smaller group; hey believe that a woman's place is primarily in the home, that the Church should have a decisive say in the position of women, that women are not born for politics, and that pro-choice attitudes should not be tolerated. Women should resolve their dissatisfaction with their lives and social position by choosing either the modern or the traditional variant, or a middle path, which has been suggested by the logic of the newly-created living conditions. (SOI : PM: S. 168)

Political parties are an indispensable factor in any modern parliamentary democracy. It would be impossible to parliamentary democracy to function properly without them. Political parties are a constitutional category and they have to act in accordance with constitution, but due to their importance it is already observed that sometimes they go beyond constitution. Each country should find its own way in order to face that challenge. Germany is a good example for that, by giving political parties the freedom to act on the basis of the provisions of the Basic Law, but with the care that the entire system does not endanger itself. That could be seen in three examples. First example is the relationship between the parliamentary group as the emanation of political parties in parliament and deputies. Second example is banning of anti-constitutional political parties. Third example is the election process of judges of the Constitutional Court. The paper concludes that it is necessary to find an ideal formula for the freedom of their actions, according to which political parties are allowed to perform any action that is beneficial to the constitutional order, while not all of them are forbidden, but only the actions that have a devastating effect on the system as a whole.

Due to their strategic position, the Baltic peoples throughout their history have always been a kind of a buffer-zone, which has to a large extent affected their development. In the new European environment, the Baltic region is today somewhat marginalized, but because of its proximity to Russia it has an important strategic position. They want to join NATO and the EU because the Baltic states in this see a guarantee of their security and stability. This may alo be an opportunity for solving the very delicate relationship with Russia, still an important actor influencing the Baltic states. (SOI : PM: S. 59)

Different parts of State territory on land, sea and in the airspace are explained first. The concept of territorial sovereignty is envisaged through principles of its all-inclusiveness and its exclusivity, subject to many exceptions and restrictions imposed either by rules of general international law or by specific treaty obligations that can be assumed by a State. The concept of State servitudes was not assimilated in the practice of international courts and tribunals. Besides, it can be the cause of some misconceptions and confusion in public international law. Within the explanation of territorial boundaries are discussed the so-called natural boundaries such as boundary rivers and lakes and mountain boundaries, as well as the artificial boundaries. Follow explanation of the principle of "uti possidetis, of procedures of fixing boundaries and of special legal scope of boundary treaties in international law. (SOI : PM: S. 74)

The United States of America are the front runner of the contemporary process of globalization. The global American superiority in the political, military, economic, and cultural spheres goes hand in hand with the globalization trends, focusing on the activity of the global leader. The design of the new strategic approach which was to include its vision of the new relations as well as of its global leading role, has been unhurried and circumspect. In the course of two Clinton's mandates the finishing touches of that new outlook got concrete contours in practical actions, so it seems that the search for the place of the leader is soon going to called off. The American politics is entering the next millennium as a well defined and organized enterprise with well thought out global objectives. (SOI : PM: S. 41)

The author analyses the role of religion in the formation of national identities in Central and Eastern Europe on the example of the Catholic Church in Poland in the 2Oth century. In Poland, like in most Central-European and Eastern-European societies, national identity developed against the state and was founded on certain elements of ethnic culture and tradition, the central position belonging to the Church. During communism, the Polish Catholic Church had the leading position in defending national identity, which identified Polishness with Catholicism. The Church also had a crucial role in the destruction of the communist system. However, it has found increasingly difficult to adapt to the new political conditions. As has been shown through the debates on abortion and religious education in state schools, the attempt by the Church to achieve the status of moral arbiter, above all democratic institutions, has resulted in new divisions. (SOI : PM: S. 143)

The issue of the competitive position is not only a question of growth and development, but above all, survival. On the long run, it determines the position of any country any economic entity and essentially chooses its further fate. Measured by various parameters, but special attention is drawn to the measurement of competitiveness based on the quality of the education system, the quality of staff which a country has and the state's role in creating economic policy based on competitiveness as measured by these parameters. Recognizing the growing importance of competitiveness, an analysis of competitiveness at the global level on the basis of various pillars is being introduced, and this measurement is called Global Competitivness Index. This is often the primary tool whereby states create their economic policy and identify areas that are ripe for change and improvement. What kind of economic policy a country will implemet depends on the degree of a country's competitiveness in the global market, with particular emphasis on those pillars that brought it to such a position. With strengthening of innovation, advances in information technology and the increasingly fast development at all levels of business, the education system represents an important segment which ensures competitive position of certain countries. Bosnia and Herzegovina, as a country ranked low on the competitive scale, owes its bad position inter alia to bad education system which produces low-quality staff who can not find a proper place in a very selective labour market. ; Pitanje konkurentske pozicije je ne samo pitanje rasta i razvoja, nego prije svega opstanka. To sa sobom, dugoročno posmatrano, pozicionira bilo državu bilo privredni subjekt i bitno opredjeljuje njegovu daljnu sudbinu. Mjeri se preko različitih parametara, ali posebnu pažnju privlači mjerenje konkurentnosti na osnovu kvaliteta sistema obrazovanja, kvaliteta kadrova kojim jedna država raspolaže kao i ulogom države u kreiranju ekonomske politike na osnovu konkurentnosti mjerene prema ovim parametrima. Shvatajući sve veći značaj konkurentnosti u praksu se uvodi analizu konkurentnosti na globalnom nivou preko različitih stubova, i to mjerenje naziva se Globalni indeks konurentnosti. To je često osnovni alat prema kojem države kreiraju svoju ekonomsku politiku i identifikuju područja koja su zrela za promjene i usavršavanje. Kakvu ekonomsku politiku će određena država voditi zavisi od stepena konkurentnosti zemlje na svjetskom tržištu, sa posebnim osvrtom na one stubove koji su je doveli do te pozicije. Sa jačanjem inovativnosti, napretkom u sferi informacionih tehnologija i sve bržim razvojem na svim nivoima poslovanja sistem obrazovanja, predstavlja važan segment na osnovu kojeg se ostvaruje konkurentska pozicija određene države. Bosna i Hercegovina kao zemlja koja je nisko rangirana na konkurentskoj ljestvici, svoju lošu poziciju između ostalog duguje i lošem sistemu obrazovanja, koji proizvodi nekvalitetan kadar koji ne može da nađe adekvatno mjesto na vrlo probirljivom tržištu radne snage.