Suchergebnisse

Soğuk Savaş Sonrası Dönem'de küreselleşen dünyada göç olgusu ve bu olgunun sebep olduğu sorunlar herhangi bir devletin tek başına etki edemediği bir karaktere bürünmüştür. Önemli göç güzergâhları arasında yer alan ve geçmişten günümüze göç olgusunun farklı boyutları ile karşılaşan Avrupa Birliği (AB) göçe yönelik politikalarını ve yaklaşımlarını zamanın koşullarına göre uyarlamak zorunda kalmıştır. AB'nin göç politikasının temellerinden biri olan üçüncü ülkelerle işbirliği kapsamında Türkiye gerek Birlik'e tam üyelik sürecinde olması gerekse de bölgeye geçişlerde sıkça kullanılan göç güzergâhlarından biri olması sebebiyle önemli bir aktör olarak görülmektedir. Bu bağlamda çalışmamızda AB ve Türkiye'nin göç politikalarının gelişimi incelenerek, düzensiz göç sorunun AB ile Türkiye ilişkilerine etkisi analiz edilmiştir. Analizler yapılırken resmi belgeler, anlaşma metinleri ve söylemler kullanılırken aynı zamanda konuyla ilgili eserlere ve görüşlere de yer verilmiştir. Hipotezimize göre AB'nin sorumluluğu üçüncü ülkelere bırakan güvenlik odaklı göç politikası iki aktör arasında halihazırda var olan güvensizliğin derinleşmesine sebep olmuştur. ; In the post-Cold War era, the phenomenon of migration in the globalizing world and the problems caused by this phenomenon have taken on a character that any state can not influence alone. The European Union (EU), which is among the major migration routes and faced with different dimensions of the migration phenomenon from past to present, has had to adapt its policies and approaches according to the circumstances of the time. Within the context of cooperation with third countries, which is one of the pillars of the EU's regular immigration policy, Turkey is in the process of full membership to the Union and is one of the migration routes frequently used in the transition to the region. Turkey is seen an important actor beacuse of this reasons. In this context,the development of Turkey and the EU's migration policies by examining, analyzed the effects of irregular migration issues in relations between Turkey and the EU. In the analysis, official documents, treaty texts and discourses were used, while related works and views were also included. According to our hypothesis, the security-oriented immigration policy, which left the responsibility of the EU to the third countries, led to a deepening of the insecurity already existing between the two actors.

TEZ11319 ; Tez (Yüksek Lisans) -- Çukurova Üniversitesi, Adana, 2018. ; Kaynakça (s. 124-152) var. ; xi, 152 s. : tablo ; 29 cm. ; Göç ve güvenlik, Soğuk Savaş sonrası dönemde uluslararası sistemde yaşanan değişimlerin etkilediği en önemli alanlar arasında yer almaktadır. Özellikle 1990 sonrası dönemde derinleşen-genişleyen boyutlara ulaşan güvenlik ve iç savaşlar sonucu yaşanan yoğun göç akışı bu iki konuyu ön plana çıkarmıştır. Bu tez çalışması da bu iki alanı Avrupa Birliği (AB) kapsamında ele almaktadır. Çalışmanın amacı, temel olarak AB kurumlarının göç yaklaşımlarının güvenlik ile ilişkisini incelemektir. Bu kapsamdaki çalışma, Kopenhag Okulu kuramı ile AB tarafından "mülteci krizi" olarak ele alınan dönem olan 2011 Suriye krizi çerçevesinde AB kurumlarının göç yaklaşım benzerliklerini ve farklılıklarını incelemektedir. Dolayısıyla çalışma, Birliğin ortak göç politikasını tanıtırken Avrupa Komisyonu, Avrupa Konseyi ve Avrupa Parlamentosu'nun göç söylem haritasını çizmektedir. Çalışmada ele alınan Suriye krizi, 2011 yılı öncesi 22 milyona sahip nüfusundan yaklaşık olarak 12 milyon kişinin ülke içinde ve dışında yerinden edilmesine neden olan bir vakadır. Aynı zamanda mülteci krizi dönemi, göçün AB?nin gündemine yoğun bir şekilde yerleşmesi açısından önemlidir. Böylece bu örneklem, AB kurumlarının Avrupa?ya yönelen yoğun göç akışı karşında göçü nasıl ele aldığını araştırma imkanı sağlamaktadır. Bu kapsamdaki çalışma, AB kurumlarının göçü güvenlikleştirdiğini ve bu kurumların söylemlerinde ekonomik, kültürel ve iç güvenlik temaları kapsamında benzeşen ve farklılıklaşan yaklaşımların bulunduğunu savunmaktadır. ; Migration and security are among the most important areas that are affected by the changes in the international system in the post-Cold War period. Especially in the post-1990 period, security that reaches deepening-expanding dimensions and intense migration flow as a result of civil wars brought these two issues to the fore. In this framework, this new period has led to a conceptual and theoretical transformation in terms of deepening and expanding dimensions of these topics. This thesis covers these two issues within the scope of European Union (EU). The aim of study is mainly to examine the nexus between security and migration in the approaches of EU institutions. The study in this context examines the similarities and the differences in migration approaches of the EU institutions within the context of the Copenhagen School theory and the 2011 Syrian crisis, which is considered as the ""refugee crisis"" by the EU. Thus, in addition to introducing the common migration policy of the Union, this research also presents the map of the migration discourses of the European Commission, the European Council and the European Parliament. The Syrian crisis addressed in the study is an important case in terms of the fact that approximately 12 million people have been displaced in and out of the country from the population of 22 million in the pre-2011. At the same time, refugee crisis period is important in terms of the intensive settlement of migration on the EU agenda. So, this example allows to research how the EU institutions securitize migration in the face of the increasing flow of migration to Europe. In this context, the study argues that EU institutions have securitized the migration and there are similar and different approaches in the discourses of these institutions within the scope of economic, cultural and internal security themes.

Necmettin Erbakan, supported in Turkey by those who considered themselves as more conservative and religious, had the opportunity to serve the people of Turkey in the capacity of Deputy Prime Minister before 1980. Erbakan's new discourse had won him the favor of the public; however, in the wake of the 1980 military coup, his party was closed down and he, along with most of his close colleagues, was banned from politics. After his party, which was a party with a cause rather than an ordinary one, was closed down, he tried to keep his sympathizers united and active by developing various arguments in order to preserve his electorate in the newly developing conditions. In conjunction with the transition from martial law to democracy, the National Vision Movement continued its course in the political arena with the Welfare Party. Necmettin Erbakan cultivated a new discourse in politics with the motto of "Fair Order" by successfully analyzing the economic developments in the world after 1980. His promise to make Turkey a strong and prominent country, his ideals of Islamic unity, his discourse of nationalism, anti-imperialism and anti-Zionism were accepted by the public. Additionally, his more comprehensive and Pan-Islamist stance compared to the religious jamaats and sects, and the fact that he undertook to be the voice of the people who suffered in the slums following rural-to-urban migration, strengthened the movement. The Motherland Party, founded by Turgut Ozal, who had been the National Salvation Party's Izmir candidate for the parliament before 1980, faced some difficulties while coming into power after 1980, following the military administration. Erbakan surpassed those difficulties, acquired a position in the government as the prime minister of the coalition in 1996 and served the nation. This study explores the establishment and structuring of the Welfare Party, a continuation of the National Vision Movement, in Giresun, as well as the process of its coming to power and later being removed from it. The first elections the Welfare Party took part in were the local elections of 1984, and although the votes it received were below the country average that year, the party increased its vote rates in all subsequent elections and received more votes than the Turkey average in Giresun. The reasons behind this success are that women, who had not been active in politics before 1980, began to participate more, the media was used more effectively, and Giresun was not affected by the conflict between religious sects and politics. This study will examine the efforts of the National Youth Foundation, established as the youth organization of the movement, and other non-governmental organizations during and after the February 28, 1997 post-modern coup process in the context of Giresun.

Mülteci sorunu geçmişten günümüze birçok bölgede ve ülkede önemli bir konu olmuştur. Arap Baharı sonrası süreçte, en fazla öne çıkan konunun Suriyeli mülteciler meselesi olması günümüzde ve gelecekte de mülteci tartışmasının devam edeceğini göstermektedir. Suriye'de yerinden edilen/ ülkesini terk eden milyonlarca insan birçok ülkeye dağılmış ve siyasetten ekonomiye toplumsal sorunlardan hukuksal tartışmalara kadar geniş bir alanda etki yaratmıştır. Bu çerçevede, Suriyeli mültecilerin Avrupa'ya gitmek istemesi ve Türkiye'de sayısı 4 milyona yaklaşan Suriyeli sığınmacı sorunu en önemli iki durum olarak öne çıkmıştır. Hiçbir ülkenin karşılaşmadığı bu durum Türkiye için birçok sorunu da beraberinde getirmiştir. Türkiye de bu sorunun çözümü için komşu ülkelerden küresel güçlere kadar birçok aktörle çeşitli işbirlikleri geliştirmiştir. Bu kapsamda çalışma, "Türkiye'deki Suriyeli sığınmacılar sorununun çözümünde BM ve AB'nin rolleri neler olabilir ve hangi örgütün sorunun çözümünde etkin olabileceği" sorusuna cevap aramıştır. Çalışmada literatürden ve ilgili örgütlerin birincil kaynaklarından yararlanılmıştır. Bu çerçevede öncelikle ilk bölümde, mülteci konusuyla ilgili kavramsal çerçeve ve Suriye sorunun kronolojik olarak gelişimi gösterilmiştir. İkinci bölümde BM'nin ve üçüncü bölümde ise AB'nin Türkiye'deki Suriyeli sığınmacı konusunda faaliyetleri ve politikaları iki örgütün mali yardımları, resmi kararları ve temsilcilerinin açıklamaları temelinde ele alınmıştır. Sonuç olarak çalışmada, Türkiye'deki Suriyeli sığınmacılar sorunun çözümünde BM'nin karşılıksız mali yardımları, BM için mülteci meselesinin siyasileşmemesi ve mülteci sorununa dair uzun yıllara dayanan tecrübesi; AB'nin ise eksik ve şartlı mali yardımları, konuyla ilgili Türkiye'deki mevzuatın geliştirilmesi gibi avantajları ön plana çıkarılmıştır. Bu nedenle çalışmada Türkiye'deki sığınmacı sorunun çözümünde iki örgütten birinin tercih edilmesi yerine her örgütün yarattığı avantaj ve fırsatların ayrı ayrı önemli olduğu gösterilmeye çalışılmıştır. ; The refugee problem has been an important issue in many regions and countries from past to present. In the post-Arab Spring period, the most prominent topic is the issue of Syrian refugees which shows that the refugee debate will continue today and in the future. Millions of people displaced/left their country in Syria have spread to many countries and have had an impact on a wide range of areas, from politics to the economy, from social problems to legal debates. In this context, the fact that the Syrian refugees want to go to Europe and the Syrian refugee problem, whose number is approaching 4 million in Turkey, have come to the fore as the two most important situations. This situation, which no country has faced, has brought many problems for Turkey. For the solution to this problem, Turkey has developed various collaborations with many actors from neighboring countries to global powers. Within this framework, the study finds an answer to these questions; "What could be the roles of the UN and EU in solving the problem of Syrian refugees in Turkey? Which organization could be effective in solving the problem?". In the study, the literature and the primary sources of the relevant organizations have been used. In this context, in the first part, the conceptual framework of the refugee issue and the chronological development of the Syrian problem are shown. In the second part, the activities and policies of the UN and in the third part of the EU on Syrian refugees in Turkey are discussed on the basis of the financial aids, official decisions, and statements of their representatives of the two organizations. As a result, in the study, the UN's unrequited financial assistance in solving the problem of Syrian refugees in Turkey, the non-politicization of the refugee issue for the UN, and its long years of experience in the refugee problem; on the other hand, the advantages of the EU such as incomplete and conditional mail aids and the development of the relevant legislation in Turkey were highlighted. For this reason, this study, it has been tried to show that the advantages and opportunities created by each organization are important separately, instead of choosing one of the two organizations in the solution of the refugee problem in Turkey.

İkinci Dünya Savaşı'nın ardından Amerika Birleşik Devletleri (ABD) ekonomik, askeri ve uluslararası kurumları şekillendirebilme kapasitesi sayesinde, uluslararası anlamda hegemonyasını tesis etme olanağına kavuşmuştu. Sovyet sonrası dönemin ilk on yılında ABD, Francis Fukuyama ve Samuel Huntington gibi önde gelen dış politika yazarlarınca süper güç olarak değerlendirilmiştir. Zayıflayan ekonomik gücüne askeri yayılmacılığının da eklenmesi 2008 Ekonomik Krizi'yle sonuçlandı ve bu ABD'nin hegemonik gücünün artık eski seviyelerinde olmadığını açığa çıkardı. Bu arada Çin, Hindistan, Rusya, Brezilya ve Güney Afrika gibi gelişmekte olan devletler ve kendine has pozisyonuyla Avrupa Birliği (AB) dünya meselelerinde daha fazla söz hakkı istemektedirler. Bu açıdan dünya barışı ve istikrarı adına uluslararası ticaret, uluslararası ekonomik düzenlemeler, uluslararası göç, uluslararası terörizm, sınır güvenliği ve kitle imha silahlarının yayılması ve buna yol açan sebepler gibi başlıca uluslararası meselelerde müzakereler gerçekleştirilmelidir. Hegemonya teorileri bağlamında günümüzde devletler arasında ekonomik, askeri ve kurumsal anlamda devam eden çıkar ve güç mücadelesini açıklama gayretindeki bu çalışmada, özellikle 2008 Ekonomik Krizi sonrası, ABD`nin zayıflayan ekonomik kapasitesinin ABD hegemonyasına olan etkisi analiz edilmeye çalışılmaktadır. ; United States of America (USA) is a country that its economic, military and instutitional capability paved the way to its hegemonic leadership in international meaning after the World War II. At the first decade of the post-Soviet Era USA was evaluated as a super power by prominent writers in foreign policy such as Francis Fukuyama and Samuel Huntington. Decreasing economic gravity accompanying with military expansion came out with economic crise in 2008 and revealed that hegemonic leadership of USA is vulnerable now. By the way with its unique position Eurepean Union (EU) and also developing countries such as China, India, Russia, Brazil and South Africa demand more right of audience about World politics. It is with this understanding, for the name of world peace and stability, views should exchange on major international issues such as international trade, economic regulation, migration, terrorism, border security and proliferation of mass-destruct weapons and its root causes. In the context of hegemonic theories, this thesis aims to give an answer enduring struggle among nations in economic, military and instutitional terms. Especially the effect of declining economic capacity after the 2008 Economic Crise on USA`s hegemony is tried to be analyze.

In the 1990s, Kurds living in Mardin and the surrounding provinces were subjected to various pressures, forced migration, and negative treatment such as village evacuation. Veysi Altay's documentary "Bir" (The Well) tells the story of the disappearance of seven people, three of whom are children after they were detained in the Dargeçit district of Mardin in 1995, and the search for them by their relatives. The fact that the director, who traces the search, focuses on the struggle of the seven relatives instead of drawing attention by implying the Kurdish problem with popular political references, brought the documentary to an objective point.In this study, based on the documentary The Well; Instead of "documentary-reality", which distances reality from fiction as much as possible, the possibilities of shooting a "real documentary" will be analyzed. In this context, the reasons for avoiding the use of metaphor, the director's limitation of his camera, and the relationship of preference with ethics will be included in the analysis.While "The Well" has strong meanings from literature to visual arts, in the narrative it has been transformed into a setting, character, and plot that can be grasped, seen, and recorded in history by conveying the truth to witnesses; in this state, instead of losing its meaning from its "reality", it gained strength by feeding on the richness of fiction, but also gave up on poetic reality or all kinds of abstract meanings.This study will examine the effects of the director's direct involvement in the narrative on ethical values and its contribution to the reality of the film, as well as investigate the limits of the construction of "truth" in the post-truth period with a documentary film.The fact that the director renounces his power over the film and turns into the eye that is "attracted" and "witnessed" from time to time, rather than "shooting" the film, will be examined ethically with the method of discourse analysis.The aim of the study is to present an example of whether the creation of documentary cinema in search of reality and its way of influencing the masses are in conflict with ethical principles.

GELENEKSEL AMERİKAN KİMLİK VE GÜVENLİK ALGISININ 11 EYLÜL SONRASI ABD DIŞ POLİTİKASINA ETKİLERİ Helin SARI ERTEM-Doktora TeziÖZETSon yüzyılın tartışmasız en önemli güçlerinden biri olan Amerika Birleşik Devletleri (ABD), sahip olduğu askeri ve ekonomik yetenekler sayesinde uluslararası siyaset sahnesinde etkili bir rol oynamaya devam etmektedir. 11 Eylül 2001 saldırıları sonrasında ortaya koyduğu eylemlerle yakın dönemin önemli bir tartışma konusu haline gelen ABD'yi daha iyi anlamanın yolu onu sadece bugünüyle değil, geçmişiyle de beraber değerlendirmekten geçmektedir. Konsrüktivizmin, "kimlik, güvenlik ve dış politika arasında önemli bir etkileşim olduğu" fikrinden yola çıkan bu tez, geleneksel "Amerikan" kimlik ve güvenlik algısı ile, ABD'nin ortaya koyduğu eylemler arasında göz ardı edilemeyecek bağlar olduğu iddiasındadır. Protestan Anglo-Saksonların 17. Yüzyıl'da, Amerika kıtasına gerçekleştirdikleri ilk göçlerle şekillenmeye başlayan geleneksel Amerikan kimliği, bağımsızlığın ilan edildiği 18. Yüzyıl sonu ve askeri, ekonomik gücün giderek arttığı 19. ve 20. Yüzyıllar boyunca ABD'nin dış politika pratiklerinde ağırlığını hissettirmiştir. Geleneksel Amerikan kimliği, Amerikan halkının istisnai bir halk olduğu, doğruluk ve iyiliği dünyaya yaymak için, Tanrı tarafından ilahi bir misyonla görevlendirildiği inancına dayanmaktadır ve mutlak güvenliğe ulaşmak adına Amerikan değerlerinin mümkün olduğunca geniş bir kesime benimsetilmesinden yanadır.19. Yüzyıl sonu ve 20. Yüzyıl boyunca bu bakış açısına uyan eylemlere defalarca imza atan ABD'nin, 11 Eylül sonrası George W. Bush yönetimi ve Yeni Muhafazakârların öncülüğünde gerçekleştirdiği dış politika pratikleri de doğrudan geleneksel Amerikan kimlik ve güvenlik algısının izlerini taşımakta; bu bağlamda ABD'nin geçmişi ve bugünü arasındaki devamlılıklara işaret etmektedir. THE IMPACT OF THE TRADITIONAL AMERICAN IDENTITY AND SECURITY PERCEPTION ON THE POST-SEPTEMBER 11 US FOREIGN POLICY ABSTRACTWith its huge military and economic capabilities, the United States of America (USA) has been one of the most important powers of the last century and it continues to play an influential role on the stage of international politics. To better understand the USA, which has recently been an important matter of discussion with the actions it has put into practice after September 11, 2001 attacks, not only the present, but also the past of this country must be evaluated. This thesis, which has begun with a constructivist idea pointing out that "there is an important interaction between identity, security and foreign policy of a country", claims that there is an obvious relation between the US actions and the traditional "American" identity and security perception. The influence of the traditional American identity, which began to be shaped by the first migrations of the Protestant Anglo-Saxons to the continent of America in the 17th Century, has continued to be felt on the US foreign policy practices in coming years. The traditional American identity is based on the idea that God has granted the American nation a divine mission to expand uprightness and goodness and that the American values must be adopted by as many as possible to achieve absolute security. The USA has practiced various actions based on this idea in the end of the 19th and during the 20th Centuries. After September 11, the foreign policy practices of the George W. Bush administration under the heavy influence of the Neoconservatives directly carried some footprints of the traditional American identity and security perception and thus pointed out the continuities between the past and the present of the USA.

Bu tez, ABD ve İngiltere'nin kamu diplomasisi uygulamalarını karşılaştırmalı bir şekilde analiz etmektedir. Teorik çerçeve olarak karşılıklı bağımlılık yaklaşımının kullanıldığı çalışmada, devletler arasında karşılıklı bağımlılığın artması bağlamında ve küreselleşmenin etkisiyle diplomasi ve güç kavramlarının geleneksel anlamlarının değiştiği iddia edilmekte ve devletlerin kamu diplomasisine daha önce hiç olmadığı kadar ihtiyaç duydukları vurgulanmaktadır. Tezde, ABD ve İngiltere'nin örnek olarak seçilme sebebi, kamu diplomasisinin tarihsel gelişimi ve günümüzdeki uygulamaları dikkate alındığında, iki ülkenin kamu diplomasisi açısından diğer ülkelerden daha kurumsal bir alt yapıya sahip olmaları ve kamu diplomasisini yoğun bir şekilde kullanıyor olmalarıdır. Üç bölümden oluşan tezde, ilk olarak karşılıklı bağımlılığın temel varsayımları, karşılıklı bağımlılıkla küreselleşme arasındaki ilişki ve karmaşık karşılıklı bağımlılık yaklaşımı açıklanmıştır. İkinci bölümde kamu diplomasinin temel dinamikleri teorik temelleri ve pratik örnekleri ile genel bir çerçevede irdelenmiş ve kamu diplomasisi ile ülke rejimi ve liderler, halkla ilişkiler ve propaganda arasındaki ilişki tartışılmıştır. ABD ve İngiltere'nin kamu diplomasisi kurumsal yapısı ve temel uygulamalarının irdelendiği üçüncü bölümde, her iki ülkede hükümetlere bağlı kurumlar ile hükümet-dışı gözüken ancak kamu diplomasisi konusunda aynı doğrultuda ve yoğun bir şekilde faaliyet gösteren kuruluşlar ön plana çıkarılmıştır. Ardından iki ülkenin kamu diplomasisi kapasiteleri 11 Eylül saldırıları örneği üzerinden karşılaştırmalı bir şekilde analiz edilmiştir. Ayrıca kamu diplomasisi uygulamalarındaki kırılma noktaları, kurumsal altyapı arasındaki benzerlik ve farklılıklar ortaya konmuştur. Marka değeri indeksi, kamu diplomasisine yapılan yatırımlar ile bilgi ve iletişim altyapısına yönelik değerlendirmeler sayısal unsurlar kullanılarak analiz edilmiştir. ; This thesis analysis public diplomacy practices of the U.S. and U.K. comparatively. The thesis, which used interdependency approach, claims that the meaning of traditional diplomacy and power has changed drastically with the increase of interdependency and globalization process. That is why, the thesis emphasizes that for states, importance of public diplomacy has become vital more than ever before. When historical development and actual practices of public diplomacy are This thesis analyses public diplomacy practices of the U.S. and U.K. comparatively. The thesis, which used interdependency approach, claims that the meaning of traditional diplomacy and power has changed drastically with the increase of interdependency and globalization process. That is why, the thesis emphasizes that for states, importance of public diplomacy has become vital more than ever before. When historical development and actual practices of public diplomacy are considered, it is clearly seen that the U.S. and U.K. use public diplomacy quite intensely, and in terms of public diplomacy, they have a strong institutional background than other states. Therefore, the U.S. and U.K. are selected as samples in the thesis. The thesis consists of three chapters. In the first chapter, basic assumptions of interdependence, relationship between globalization and interdependence, and the approach of complex interdependence are explained. In the second chapter, basic characteristics of public diplomacy are examined by focusing on its theoretical and practical dimensions. The relationship between public diplomacy and the concepts, such as governments, regimes, leaders, public relations, and propaganda are also discussed within this chapter. In the third chapter, institutions and basic practices of the U.S. and U.K.'s public diplomacy are examined with a special focus on post 9/11 era. In this regard, governmental institutions and non-governmental organizations that operate intensively in the same manner with government policies are taken into consideration. Additionally, public diplomacy capacities of both countries' are analyzed comparatively and the milestones of both countries' public diplomacy policies as well as the similarities and differences in the institutional infrastructures are exposed. Finally the evaluations on the brand value index, investments on public diplomacy, migration rates, and information and communication infrastructures are made by using statistical data.

1. Introduction Important political, administrative and economic changes occurred in Turkey and the world in the last 50 years, especially during post-1980 neo-liberal era. Decentralization, rapid urbanization and metropolization processes that emerged by means of these changes have boosted authority, spending and responsibility of local governments. Local governments gradually came to the fore in the process of service delivery. However, especially, allocation of self-income and resources to local governments have not shown a similar level of increase. In this study, this dilemma is analyzed in cases of municipalities in Turkey. The purpose of this study is to reveal the contradiction between the increased burden of duty and income of the municipalities. By this way, it is aimed to provide a scientific basis for policy makers in solving self-income problems. In this context, the situation of the municipalities in Turkey has been analyzed. The case is studied with both theoretical and numerical data and the problem has been clearly demonstrated. 2. Trends of Fiscal Autonomy, Fiscal Decentralization and Decentralization Although a single, universal and unique definition cannot be made, decentralization is generally defined as the transfer/assignment of decision-making responsibility, power and authority of resource creation from higher level administration (central government) to lower levels of administration (regions, local governments and NGOs) (Cheema & Rondinelli, 2007: 1, Leung, 2004: 1, Edquist, 2005: 9, Yuliani, 2004, Hinsz vd., 2006: 2, Eryılmaz, 2002: 225). According to the definition of Litvack ve Seddom (1999: 2) and World Bank, decentralization is the transfer of authority and responsibility for public functions from the central government to subordinate or quasi-independent government organizations or the private sector (Keskin, 2008: 2). Fiscal decentralization forms the financial aspect of devolution to regional and local administrations. Moreover, European and American writers use terms like "centrallocal (or intergovernmental) financial relations" and "fiscal federalism" in order to refer to fiscal decentralization. The first phase of fiscal decentralization is the division of spending responsibilities and revenue sources between levels of government (national, regional, local etc.). The second phase is the amount of discretion given to regional and local governments to determine their expenditures and revenues (both in aggregate and detail). This discretion gives regional and local governments the ability to determine their budgets by levying taxes and fees and allocating resources (Davey, 2003: 1). The essence of fiscal decentralization is the authority and responsibility of subnational governments to finance their local services to a certain extent (Ebel & Yılmaz, 2002: 34). In other words, fiscal decentralization occurs when higher levels of government cede influence over budgets and financial decisions to lower levels (Sharma, 2008). Decentralization and fiscal decentralization trend that has developed in the framework of thinking that local governments should be strengthened has also created the infrastructure of financial autonomy. Fiscal Autonomy aims to enable local governments to have adequate, healthy and sustainable resources in order to ensure the institutionalization of democracy and effective implementation of their services. In that framework, it is defined as local governments' fulfillment of their duties and responsibilities independently from the center. To achieve this aim, local governments manage/spend assets and resources in line with their laws (in accordance with the interests of the local population). They also make budgets and borrowings (Ulusoy & Akdemir, 2009: 260-265, Yontar & Dağ, 2014: 150, Çelik, 2013: 22). 3. Increased Responsibility of Municipalities as a Result of Urbanization and Metropolization in Turkey The urbanization rate was very slow in the early years of the Republic of Turkey. The population living in rural areas began to migrate to urban areas in the 1950s due to improvements in transportation infrastructure, change of the land ownership regime, mechanization and modernization of agriculture, technological developments, increase in industrialization, and other economic/social changes. In particular, migration to cities increased in line with the population growth. This accelerated the need for better highway networks and settlement areas, and new housing (Tosun, 2015: 202- 203, Şahin, 2013: 79). There have been serious population increases in cities such as Istanbul, Izmir, Adana, Ankara and Bursa. This trend caused significant problems in terms of urban services in these cities (Keleş, 2009: 289). Local governments and especially municipalities took on the most important tasks of on-site analysis of the mentioned problems and solving them with practical - permanent proposals. 4. Comparative Analysis of Revenues and Expenditures of Municipalities in Turkey Municipalities became center-dependent units from financial, political and administrative aspects. It is mainly due to inefficient income structure that is dependent on central transfers, not on self-income. It is clear that this situation causes many negative effects on the functioning of municipalities. However, inadequacy of self-income or dependency needs to be demonstrated with numerical data in order to see the adverse trend in a concrete way. This enables a comparison in an international scale and identification of appropriate sample countries for the planned changes for these comparisons. Furthermore, it becomes possible to analyze financial interdependence among different municipal levels and all municipalities. Through detailed assessments, the dilemma between metropolization and fiscal decentralization in Turkey has been put forward in this study. 5. Basic Financial Problems of Municipalities in Turkey The main financial problems of the municipalities can be listed as lack of sustainable revenue sources, ineffective use of available resources, over-dependence on shares transferred from general budget tax revenues collection, inadequacy of self-income sources (Yüksel, 2004). Because of these financial problems, there are many negative situations faced at the local level. 6. Conclusion There is a trend of urbanization and metropolization in Turkey. 93% of the total population lives within the municipal boundaries. 84% of the population within municipal boundaries is within the borders of the metropolitan municipalities. Metropolitan municipalities have the highest burden of responsibilities. Then comes the provincial municipalities, district and town municipalities. However, amount of incomes is in the opposite order. This situation, prevents municipalities from enjoying the benefits of fiscal autonomy and fiscal decentralization. Instead, they become highly dependent on the central government. To get rid of this dilemma, a three-stage policy must be followed. Firstly, efficiency in spending should be achieved. Secondly, steps should be taken to make the most out of available income sources. Finally, municipalities should be provided with new sources of revenue in order to get rid of the fiscal dilemma. While these steps are being taken, rather than applying a general method, political characteristics and administrative, economic, cultural of Turkey should be taken into consideration and Turkey-specific system should be established.