Social changes and challenges in (post)pandemic times for social professions
In: Socialno delo: časopis za teorijo in prakso, Band 60, Heft 3, S. 291-297
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In: Socialno delo: časopis za teorijo in prakso, Band 60, Heft 3, S. 291-297
In: Teorija in praksa, S. 814-832
Discussions of political metaphors provide fertile grounds for understanding issues in political theory and political practice. The article departs from the established theoretical and methodological approaches to political metaphor (e.g., classical, conceptual, hermeneutical, cognitive) to introduce (post)structuralist and (post)Marxist methodological and theoretical bases. It maintains that the established approaches to the study of functionalities and ontologies of political metaphors are possible, primarily by researching their functioning in political discourses and as events in the power/truth dispositive. Metaphors can be researched as specific political technologies (strategies of power) that influence/create regimes of truth. Keywords: political metaphors, political theory, linguistic theory, political discourse, power, knowledge
In: Teorija in praksa, S. 199-218
Abstract. The article considers whether the EU's CSDP
missions are a suitable crisis management mechanism
for post-conflict situations, along with the EU's relevance in crisis management at all. For this purpose, the
EU's biggest CSDP civilian mission EULEX was chosen
as a research case study. The research results reveal that
EULEX has not implemented its mandate, not met the
expectations of security consumers, not made any difference on the ground, and cannot be seen as an example the EU should rely on in its future missions. Further,
EULEX shows that CSDP missions suffer from many
shortfalls and the EU CFSP from a capability–expectations gap. The article concludes that the EULEX mission
does not show the EU's relevance in the crisis management of post-conflict situations.
In: Teorija in praksa, S. 509-528
The focus of this article is on the rise of populism and Euroscepticism in the context of the crisis of
liberal internationalism and of the EU in particular.
The article considers the view that the weak integration
of Slovenian–EU politics makes the country vulnerable
to this trend. Modern-nationalist, postmodern-cosmopolitan and faux-modern-partially modernised variations of populism are explored. The research draws on
public opinion surveys, party manifestos, focus groups
with party supporters, and interviews with mediators
in elite and popular debates. The dominant modern
economist/functionalist view of the EU is shown to have
fed into different framings in line with the underlying
thick ideologies. On the right, this has been a retro-modern nationalist reaction to the EU's overly progressive
policy and polity, with certain illiberal faux-modern elements like authoritarianism and ethno cultural exclusivism. On the left, it has reinforced the already existing contradictions with (neo)liberalism on the level of
politics, leaving the post-modern post-nationalist framing detached from the EU's polity and policy. The article
offers some proposals for better integrating the EU politics in Slovenia.
Keywords: EU, Euroscepticism, populism, illiberalism,
Slovenia, public opinion, political parties
In: Filozofski vestnik: FV, Band 16, Heft 1, S. 117-134
ISSN: 0353-4510
The alleged domination of the visual in contemporary culture -- initially theorized by French thinkers such as Jacques Derrida, Georges Bataille, & Michel Foucault, & artists such as Marcel Duchamp -- has influenced the self-evaluation of recent US art. The repudiation of the high modernist evaluation of the "pure optical" introduced by Clement Greenberg & Michael Frid is explained in terms of the post-WWII relocation of the center of modernist art from Paris (France) to New York City; Rosalind Krauss & Norman Bryson observe the conspicuous lack of interest in the later "revenge" of French art theorists. Their influence has helped undermine the achievements of abstract expressionism while promoting neo-Dadaism, conceptual art, & minimalism, & has diminished the primacy of the visual. Adapted from the source document.
In: Teorija in praksa, S. 617-640
Namen pričujočega članka je analizirati gospodarsko diplomacijo treh majhnih držav – Avstrije, Slovenije in Srbije, v primerjalni perspektivi. Raziskati želimo, če in kako drugačna gospodarsko-politična struktura držav (Avstrija kot država s tržnim gospodarstvom, Slovenija kot potranzicijska država, Srbija kot država v tranziciji) vpliva na delovanje gospodarske diplomacije. S pomočjo primerjalne analize, ki je utemeljena na velikem številu intervjujev z akterji gospodarske diplomacije, ugotavljamo, da: (1) je ne glede na model, na podlagi katerega omenjene države oblikujejo svojo gospodarsko diplomacijo, pomen države vedno prisoten, še posebej v primerih težav ali zapletov na izbranem trgu (ex-post pristop); (2) se vse analizirane države soočajo z enakimi izzivi v gospodarski diplomaciji, ti pa niso pogojeni z njihovim gospodarsko-političnim sistemom, ampak z mednarodnim okoljem in delovanjem izvoznih ali investicijskih aktivnosti podjetij; (3) ostaja v primeru konceptualizacije in operacionalizacije gospodarske diplomacije znotraj diplomatskih študij še veliko neraziskanega, kar onemogoča njeno občo sprejetost, saj gospodarska diplomacija in sorodni koncepti tudi 20 let po začetku njenega aktivnega preučevanja še niso enovito konceptualizirani, hierarhizirani in umeščeni v kanon diplomatskih študij. Ključni pojmi: gospodarska diplomacija, Avstrija, Slovenija, Srbija, diplomatske študije
In: Teorija in praksa, S. 7-40
Povzetek. Palestinsko-izraelski konflikt odpira številna mednarodnopravna vprašanja, ki so v prispevku analizirana z vidika pravice narodov do samoodločbe, prepovedi uporabe sile (jus ad bellum), mednarodnega prava oboroženih spopadov (jus in bello), pravil za ugotavljanje individualne odgovornosti in odgovornosti držav (jus post bellum) ter obveznosti mednarodne skupnosti pri odzivanju na grobe kršitve mednarodnega prava. Razumevanje teh pravil je nujno za ugotavljanje morebitne odgovornosti različnih akterjev, poleg tega pa razkriva dva vidika modernega mednarodnega prava. Na eni strani situacije uporabe sile nedržavnih akterjev tako z vidika jus ad bellum kot jus in bello terjajo poglobljeno analizo in odpirajo številna vprašanja, na katere »na državno suverenost« osredinjeno mednarodno pravo nima enoznačnih odgovorov. Po drugi strani pa se s pripoznanjem erga omnes (partes) narave nekaterih obveznosti iz področja prava človekovih pravic ter oboroženih spopadov, vse bolj utemeljuje prepričanje, da se vse države v mednarodni skupnosti lahko odzivajo na najhujše kršitve mednarodnega prava in uveljavljajo odgovornost zadevne države. Vendar pa prispevek zaključi, da selektivnost implementacije ob odsotnosti politične volje ostaja temeljna pomanjkljivost mednarodnega prava, za katero se zdi, da jo bo težko premostilo.
Ključni pojmi: Palestina, nedržavni akterji, odgovornost, pravica narodov do samoodločbe, pravica do samoobrambe, mednarodno pravo oboroženih spopadov, erga omnes (partes).
In: Teorija in praksa, S. 860-881
Abstract. The objective of the article was to evaluate
the relationship between the Covid-19 pandemic and
globalisation (GLO) and de-globalisation (de-GLO) tendencies.
Based on a theoretical evaluation of this relationship
as well as historical development, it concludes
that Covid-19 is not the mother of de-GLO but its child,
born in a completely new global context facilitating the
pandemic. The roots of the pandemic's conception are
more deeply embedded in the capitalist system, in its
principal elements (market system, consumerist development
model…). GLO as a global division of labour is
not over; the factors enhancing GLO are winning over
those slowing it down, provided that GLO becomes more
egalitarian and more human. A fully-fledged de-GLO
would be inefficient and painful. While the pandemic
is not a black swan, it could have been predicted. Such
an unprecedented crisis impersonated by the pandemic
also offers an opportunity to fundamentally rethink of
our theories, way of life and development paradigm
and, not the least, the whole system to be better prepared
for future similar crises.
Keywords: Globalisation, de-globalisation, Covid-19,
development model, anthropocentrism, system, history
of GLO, future of GLO, post pandemic
In: Politická ekonomie: teorie, modelování, aplikace, Band 60, Heft 4
ISSN: 0032-3233
The aim of our paper is to formulate and empirically verify the simple backward looking econometric model of the monetary rule, which would be able to describe the development of CNB repo rate, namely only on the basis of statistically measured and in the given time available information. We focus on the period after 1998, when the CNB's inflation targeting policy is implemented and the repo rate (14 days) plays the role of the monetary policy rate. In the paper we discuss some methodological problems associated with the "ex post" empirical verification of the central bank monetary rule. We construct an empirical model of the monetary rule, justify the choice and the inclusion of explanatory variables, we analyze the statistical properties of time series and verify the alternative forms of econometric models. Our analysis showed that the development of CNB repo rate in the reporting period can be explained by the past and present evolution of three explanatory variables: the yearly inflation rate, the exchange rate and the ECB repo rate. The annualized inflation rate proved to be statistically insignificant in the model. We find interesting that the statistical quality of the estimated model was further increased after a six-month delay of the yearly inflation rate. The obtained results indicate that in determining the CNB repo rate the expected future level of the yearly inflation rate does not play important role and the last yearly inflation rate is more important than its present level. Adapted from the source document.