Suchergebnisse

Introduction. Customs control is one of the fundamental elements of ensuring not only customs security, but also the security of the national economy as a whole. In order to block and prevent the threats to the customs security of Ukraine, customs, within it competence, are obliged to use the most effective instruments of customs control. Today, one of the tasks of Ukrainian customs is the introduction of a modern, effective system of post-release audit, which focuses on risky economic operators, and the simplification of international trade procedures for persons, who work without violating customs rules.Purpose. Analysis the existing mechanisms of selection companies for conducting the post-clearance audit and identifying the directions for developing the system of risk criterias for selection economic operators for conducting a post-clearance audit in Ukraine.Results. The study substantiates proposals in developing the system of risk criterias for selection economic operators for conducting a post-clearance audit in Ukraine. It was analyzed international, national foreign and Ukrainian legislation on risk management during customs control. The experience of the advanced states on risk management and using of the risk management system during post-clearance control were explored. According to the results of analysis of the international standards it was detected and proved discrepancy of the Ukrainian risk management system in part of economic operators assessment within post-clearance audit. The article proposes to use automated risk system for selection economic operators for conducting a post-clearance audit in Ukraine and describes components and tools of the system. It is also proposed to introduce certain amendments to the Customs Code of Ukraine.Originality. Proposed recommendations and developed components of risk system for selection economic operators for conducting a post-clearance audit in Ukraine: main aspects of risk analysis during customs audit, analysis area to identify riskiness, objects of analysis, classification of risk criterias, peculiarities of organization of work with the system of selection of enterprises, reaction on risks within the framework of Ukrainian legislation.Conclusion. In accordance with the international commitments, undertaken by Ukraine and in order to increase the level of state economic security, it is necessary to improve the work of post-clearance audit. The introduction of a risk management system for post-release control will allow the creation of an information space that includes information on previous audits and checks, violations, identified risks, causes and conditions, that conducive to non-compliance with legislation by economic operators, assessment of the effectiveness of detection activities, risk analysis and identifying risks. This will ensure timely detection and prevention of violations of customs legislation of Ukraine.

Modern society is on the stage, which is characterized by new economic and ideological positions. With the development of information in today's world, humanity is moving to a new stage of development, namely the post-industrial society whose core values is information and knowledge. Purpose. Description of industrial society and the definition of stage the development of Ukrainian society today. Results. Physical work is changing by mental work in most developed countries since the 20th century. The intellectual potential of human, her skills and ability is the main resource in the post-industrial society. The representatives of intellectual work are appearing in the job market. These workers are the joint owners and separating gains. It is serving as encouragement to enhance of their creativity. This situation leads to a decent financial reward and improving of material living standards and is a potential incentive for new motivational system. The gained knowledge applied in the production process and provided the main source of added value. It makes the human and her work a basic mechanism of post-industrial economy. The negative factor is the trends in labor migration, namely the departure of skilled workers overseas. Originality. Attempt of Ukrainian society enter into European economic and political space indicates the presence in Ukrainian youth especially creative approach to labor relations on this day. Ukrainians are oriented to individual success, recognition in society, professionalism, competitive and this shows their awareness in construction of post-industrial society. Conclusion. Service industry, recreation and education play a primary role in post-industrial society. Investment in human capital is needed for Ukraine to improve the quality and results of work.

Autori članka propituju zašto je pojam postdemokracije postao sporan iako je tek nedavno uveden u raspravu. Ovaj pojam se koristi kao model intepretacije aktualne krize demokracije. Collin Crouch uvodi ovu poziciju u svojoj knjizi Postdemokracija. Na istom je tragu Sheldon Wolin koji drži da je postdemokracija vrsta demokracije koji je na djelu u postmoderno doba. Neovisno o njihovim razlikama, obojica smatraju da je aktualna kriza demokracije poseban fenomen. Međutim, izgleda da ona i nije toliko posebna pojava, prije svega, u europskim kontinentalnim demokracijama. Tako je još pedesetih godina prošlog stoljeća Hans Kelsen pisao o autorima koji su tada pokušavali redefinirati demokraciju na isti način na koji to rade današnji teoretičari postdemokracije. Isto diskurs kao i isti lijek (više demokracije u ekonomskoj sferi) može se pronaći mnogo prije Drugog svjetskog rata. Štoviše, ima mnogo primjera u kojima je narod u zadnjih 200 godina, u ime demokracije, tražio novu ravnotežu s predstavničkom demokracijom. Autori članka smatraju da Jacques Rancière nudi prikladnije objašnjenje ovog problema. On naime ne pronalazi postdemokraciju samo u postmodernom dobu ili u poretku koji nastupa nakon predstavničke demokracije nego uvijek kad se javlja 'legitimiranje demokracije nakon demosa'. ; The authors try to show why the concept of post-democracy has already become contestable even though it was only introduced recently. The concept of post-democracy has been used as a critical model to interpret the crises of democracy in last twenty years or so. Collin Crouch outlines this attitude in his book Post-democracy. Sheldon Wolin also occupies a similar position. He speaks about post-democracy as a democracy functioning in the postmodern era. Regardless of their differences both authors believe that today's crises of democracy is specific. It seems that today's crises of democracy is not particularly new, especially for the continental European democracies. Even in the 1950s Hans Kelsen was writing about such authors who tried to redefine democracy because of its crises between the two world wars. They used a similar discourse on democracy as that which is been used by some theoreticians of post-democracy. We can also find the same discourse on 'the crises of democracy' and the same cure (greater democracy in the economic sphere) much before the 2nd World War. Moreover, there are a lot of examples in which people, in the name of democracy, try to find a new balance with representative democracy in last 200 years. The authors find that Jacques Rancière offers a more appropriate explanation of this problem. He doesn't find post-democracy only er in the postmodern era, or in an order that comes after representative democracy but every time when there is 'legitimization of a democracy after demos'.

Abstract. On the horizon of literary criticism today, text just does not have a general meaning, but any text is in a state of waiting to read readers and reproduce new meanings. Shakespeare's texts are texts that are repeatedly presented with different types of readings from different perspectives, and each time a new reproduction of them is obtained. The present research seeks to present a new reading of Shakespeare's Othello drama using post-colonial studies. The Othello play has qualities that can be considered postcolonial. Therefore, the present paper, with a post-colonial approach, reciprocates Edward Said views with a qualitative, analytical, and descriptive approach to reading this play, referring to a large historical and political structure.Keywords: Post-Colonial Studies-Edward Said-Othello-William Shakespeare. ; Abstract. On the horizon of literary criticism today, text just does not have a general meaning, but any text is in a state of waiting to read readers and reproduce new meanings. Shakespeare's texts are texts that are repeatedly presented with different types of readings from different perspectives, and each time a new reproduction of them is obtained. The present research seeks to present a new reading of Shakespeare's Othello drama using post-colonial studies. The Othello play has qualities that can be considered postcolonial. Therefore, the present paper, with a post-colonial approach, reciprocates Edward Said views with a qualitative, analytical, and descriptive approach to reading this play, referring to a large historical and political structure.Keywords: Post-Colonial Studies-Edward Said-Othello-William Shakespeare.

Abstract. On the horizon of literary criticism today, text just does not have a general meaning, but any text is in a state of waiting to read readers and reproduce new meanings. Shakespeare's texts are texts that are repeatedly presented with different types of readings from different perspectives, and each time a new reproduction of them is obtained. The present research seeks to present a new reading of Shakespeare's Othello drama using post-colonial studies. The Othello play has qualities that can be considered postcolonial. Therefore, the present paper, with a post-colonial approach, reciprocates Edward Said views with a qualitative, analytical, and descriptive approach to reading this play, referring to a large historical and political structure.Keywords: Post-Colonial Studies-Edward Said-Othello-William Shakespeare. ; Abstract. On the horizon of literary criticism today, text just does not have a general meaning, but any text is in a state of waiting to read readers and reproduce new meanings. Shakespeare's texts are texts that are repeatedly presented with different types of readings from different perspectives, and each time a new reproduction of them is obtained. The present research seeks to present a new reading of Shakespeare's Othello drama using post-colonial studies. The Othello play has qualities that can be considered postcolonial. Therefore, the present paper, with a post-colonial approach, reciprocates Edward Said views with a qualitative, analytical, and descriptive approach to reading this play, referring to a large historical and political structure.Keywords: Post-Colonial Studies-Edward Said-Othello-William Shakespeare.

A comprehensive study of management policy of post-conflict territory is done. It is characterized as a management process that is localized within the territory affected by the armed conflict. It is seen as a resource by various political actors and requires the establishment of institutional order and overcoming the consequences of the conflict.Management policy of post-conflict territories was studied through its components: "post-conflict territory", "armed conflict", "post-conflict", "postconflict management". The study of the subject became possible due to interdisciplinary theoretical and methodological approaches and methods of political science, political geography, geopolitics, international relations, political regionalism, conflict studies, law and management.It is substantiated that in the context of studying the management policy of post-conflict territory, there is no need to study the territory as a subject of conflict. The expediency of studying such a territory as a space affected by the armed conflict is argued. As a result of the conflict the territory has a ruined system of governance or weak institutional forms of development that require development "from scratch" or reintegration into a national high-level system. ; Здійснено комплексне дослідження політики управління постконфліктними територіями як управлінського процесу, який локалізується в межах території, що зазнала впливу збройного конфлікту, розглядається як ресурс різними політичними акторами, потребує встановлення інституційного порядку і подолання наслідків конфлікту.Політику управління постконфліктними територіями досліджено через категорії: «постконфліктна територія», «збройний конфлікт», «постконфлікт», «постконфліктне управління», «політика управління». Вивчення предмету дослідження стало можливим завдяки міждисципінарним теоретикометодологічним підходам і методам політичної науки, політичної географії, геополітики, міжнародних відносин, політичної регіоналістики, конфліктології, права і політичного менеджменту.Обґрунтовано, що в контексті вивчення політики управління постконфліктними територіями немає потреби вивчати територію як предмет конфлікту. Доведена доцільність вивчення такої території в якості простору, що зазнав впливу збройного конфлікту, внаслідок чого має зруйновану систему управління або заслабкі інституційні форми розвитку, що потребують розбудови «з нуля» або реінтеграції в національну систему вищого рівня.

The author examines the peculiarities of the process of post-conflict reconciliation and peacebuilding in Rwanda, determines the role of international and local justice in the post-conflict reconciliation and punishment of perpetrators of mass genocide, identifies features of state policy to eliminate genocide and restore justice. Using historical, analytical and comparative methods, the author concludes that gachacha tribunals as a means of restorative justice have helped to restore trust and social harmony in Rwandan society, to regenerate its value and cultural matrix. The study found that in order to build positive peace, governance decisions and actions on the population in all spheres of public life contained a peacekeeping context, and the government worked to protect Rwandan society from a recurrence of future conflict. The findings found Rwandan's peace-building strategy to be effective because, following a large-scale genocide, a policy of national unity and reconciliation was pursued to build a united nation, restore peace and justice, good governance and economic development.

The article analyzes the phenomenon of post-truth as a significant intellectual and cultural symptom of modernity. There are considered its ability to reveal the content of the modern epoch, the place of post-truth in postmodern discourse, and the heuristic potential of the discourse upon the «post-». The main features of the post-truth as a communicative strat- egy are analyzed. On this basis, the incorrectness of definition of the present day as an era of «post-» is proved. The phenomenon of post-truth is just one of the symptoms of a deep crisis of justice, public morality and democratic governance, and, in general, the degradation of political responsibility and standards of public behavior in a globalizing world. ; У статті аналізується феномен постправди як вагомий інтелектуальний та культурний симптом сучасності. З'ясовуються його можливості щодо виявлення змісту сучасної епохи, місце постправди у постмодерному дискурсі та евристичний потенціал дискурсу «пост-». Аналізуються головні особливості постправди як комунікативної стратегії. На цій підставі доводиться некоректність визначення сучасності як епохи постправди. Феномен постправди є лише одним із симптомів глибокої кризи правосвідомості, суспільної моралі та демократичного урядування й загалом деґрадації політичної відповідальності та стандартів публічної поведінки за умов ґлобалізації.

This paper aims at examining how democratization in post-uprising Egypt remains flawed and the reasons for this failure. As a background, democratization in post-Arab Spring Egypt has collapsed and it seems now merely an illusion. The situation worsened since Egypt's democratically elected President Morsi was expelled from office through a coup, following mass protests demanding Morsi's discharge. Egypt's democratization is hard to achieve due to the shadow of the Pharaoh in Egypt, that is, entrenched ruling elites; Egypt's democratization process can never succeed while Egypt's old ruling elites are reluctant to allow this to happen. ; This paper aims at examining how democratization in post-uprising Egypt remains flawed and the reasons for this failure. As a background, democratization in post-Arab Spring Egypt has collapsed and it seems now merely an illusion. The situation worsened since Egypt's democratically elected President Morsi was expelled from office through a coup, following mass protests demanding Morsi's discharge. Egypt's democratization is hard to achieve due to the shadow of the Pharaoh in Egypt, that is, entrenched ruling elites; Egypt's democratization process can never succeed while Egypt's old ruling elites are reluctant to allow this to happen.

Autor u članku razmatra tranzicijsko iskustvo parlamenata u šest zemalja Srednje i Istočne Europe: Češke Republike, Mađarske, Moldavije, Poljske, Rusije i Slovenije. Iskustvo šest postautoritarnih parlamenata ukazuje na četiri tipa parlamenata u početnom desetljeću, od kojih su tri bila održiva i na kraju desetljeća. Dva demokratska tipa parlamenata varirala su uglavnom prema koncentraciji njihovih stranačkih sustava: Češka Republika, Poljska i Slovenija imaju višestranački sustav, dok se Mađarska kreće prema dvostranačkom većinskom sustavu. Postsovjetski su parlamenti – treći tip – postali ovisni o predsjedniku. U četvrtom tipu parlamenta, koji se pojavio početkom desetljeća, došlo je do borbe za vlast između parlamenta i predsjednika, i ustavne i izborne. Ti su sukobi razriješeni, premda veoma različito, u Moldaviji, Rusiji i Poljskoj. Ova analiza ističe važnost i ustavnih i izbornih sustava, koji se u demokratski učvršćenim političkim sustavima mogu smatrati dijelom stabilnog izvanjskog konteksta parlamenata, no u novim su postautoritarnim sustavima u stanju stalne mijene. Određivanje onoga što bi u budućnosti moglo postati stabilno u početnom je desetljeću uvelike bilo dijelom kontinuiranih sukoba. Iskustvo postautoritarnih parlamenata ističe i važnost unutrašnje strukture i dinamike u parlamentima. Pokušaji da se defi niraju pravila procedure izražavaju i simboliziraju sposobnost parlamenta da se opremi kako bi funkcionirao kao neovisno tijelo. Između izvanjskih događaja i unutrašnje strukture postoji učinak dinamičke interakcije, koji je nastavio postojati tijekom cijelog početnog desetljeća. ; In this article the author discusses the transition-related experience of parliaments in six countries of Central and Eastern Europe: the Czech Republic, Hungary, Moldova, Poland, Russia and Slovenia. The experience of the six post-authoritarian parliaments suggests four types of parliaments within the initial decade, of which three were viable at the end of the decade. Two democratic types of parliament varied ...

The problem with sovereignty is that it is marked by traditional paradoxes: namely, it represents a stance that presumes an institutional solution, & simultaneously empowers all institutions of a given community (& thus is above them). Sovereignty has the form of a legal instance, but it is also the prerequisite of an entire (positive) legal system of a community; it manifests itself always as a political problem, but nowhere is its solution purely political; & finally, sovereignty is considered a fundamental national categorical (constitutional) basis for existence of a nation, but simultaneously it is always considered, affirmed, &, to some degree, determined in the international context. Adapted from the source document.

The return of the state to sociological discourse can be based on the study of the role of state measures in societies that overcome the consequences of violence. The purpose of the article – is to outline the problems and some ways of overcoming them facing the state in the post-conflict reconstruction of society and can be successfully addressed by state authorities with varying degrees of success.Given that the state in a post-conflict society, as a rule, has a low level of public confidence and limited resources to resolve the conflict, the practice of peacekeeping operations and other organizational arrangements for building peace is widespread.In addition to the organizational component, the assistance of the Western world is in promoting and sometimes imposing in the transitional societies the legal norms and political institutions of the "old world", which often complicated the peace process and did not take into account the local context of peace-building. In addition, the speed at which international donors wanted to obtain a result from international intervention could contradict the long-term process of psychosocial and economic recovery of victims of the conflict.Modern theories of "transitional justice" try to overcome the contradiction between the limited support of international actors on the one hand and the fragility of the state and the weakness of civil society on the other.The researchers are proposing a model where the state interacts with civil society on the path to peace in the long run and reconciliation.A decentralized transitional justice model emerged in Northern Ireland, where local conciliation initia- tives combined community efforts and government and non-governmental interventions. Particular emphasis on overcoming the effects of violence is on reparations. However, there is no unambiguous universal form of payment to victims of the conflict to meet all economic needs. Reparations can take different forms – from money to symbolic ones. In addition, the decision to pay reparations is implemented by the state on the basis of agreements at the level of institutes of transitional justice, first of all, the truth-establishing commissions.In order to overcome the consequences of violence and the post-conflict reconstruction of a society, the state must take into account the whole range of social problems – political, socio-psychological, and economic. The solution to political problems is through the provision of broad political rights and ensuring the inclusiveness of social groups in society. Socio-psychological problems are solved in particular through the transformation of the group identity of the oppositional conflicts of social groups in the context of the exchange of social experience. Economic issues of post-conflict reconstruction concern the development of an effective reparation system at the individual, group and national levels. ; Стаття стосується спектра державних заходів щодо подолання наслідків насилля в процесі постконфліктного відновлення. Розкриваються соціально-політичні, соціально-психологічні та соціально-економічні особливості державної політики в постконфліктних суспільствах.