Suchergebnisse

El artículo analiza la evolución, las transformaciones más recientes y las perspectivas de la región bajodanubiana -que incluye a Rumania y a Bulgaria- en el marco geopolítico, histórico y cultural de la nueva Europa, desde el pasado, incluyendo los cambios acaecidos desde 1989 y hasta la actualidad, con las consecuentes dificultades que se presentan de cara a la próxima integración en el mundo de valores occidentales: la Alianza Atlántica OTAN y, sobre todo, la Unión Europea. Se incide tanto en la evolución, en la herencia histórico-cultural, y en la valoración de dichos cambios, como en las características del nuevo sistema político y económico y en el atraso de las reformas. A pesar de las incertidumbres que nublan el escenario de la región, el análisis vislumbra también ciertas perspectivas optimistas.This article analyses the evolution, recent transformations and potential future developments of the low Danube region, wich comprises of Romana and Bulgaria, in the geopolítical, historical and cultural context of the new Europe. From the past to the present, with a special reference to the changes produced after 1989, the analyisis focuses on the difficulties of the approaching integración of the region with the West, NATO and, first and foremost, the European Union. The article mentions and evaluates the evolution of the region, its historical and cultural legacy, as well as the new political and economic system and the delay of reforms. Despite of the general feeling of uncertainly about the future of the region, the present analysis underlines a number of positive trends.

After surveying the facts and distilling the voluminous literature on the transition to market economies, the author arrives at several conclusions: with hindsight, the old debate - Big Bang versus gradualism - was really a problem of feasibility, although many of the arguments in favor of the Big Bang have now been proven right. Once more, inflation has been found to be incompatible with growth and the importance of a good microeconomic structure - especially an effective banking system - has been confirmed. The decline of the state in transition economies is both spectacular and puzzling - combining features that are both desirable and dangerous. Among useful lessons learned: 1) It has paid to start early and move fast. The Big Bang is highly desirable but impractical, and gradualism is unavoidable but ought to be compressed as much as possible. The countries that bit the bullet early and hard have done better over the past decade. 2) Stabilize first; growth next. Macroeconomic stabilization is a prerequisite for growth. The budget deficit need not be eliminated, but the link between deficits and money growth must be severed. 3) Structural reform is important, and microeconomic policies, often overlooked, should be started as soon as possible. This means establishing property rights, hardening budget constraints, building a healthy banking system, and ensuring true domestic competition. 4) The choice of an exchange rate regime, another early controversy, is apparently less important than adherence to a strict monetary policy. The floaters have tightly managed their exchange rates, while the fixers have repeatedly devalued and have often ended up floating. Some form of monetary targeting is needed, but it matters little which target is chosen so long as it is adhered to. 5) Creating irreversibilities early on allows governments to change without seriously affecting the transition. The less stable the economy, the more politics matters. A shaky economic basis is fertile ground for policy reversals that set the clock back several years (Bulgaria, Romania, Russia).

Sugar production used to have a disproportionate influence on the Cuban economy. Although other industries have grown at higher rates in recent years, it continues to account for an important share of foreign trade. After presenting a brief historical review of the sugar industry, the author examines the changes that have occurred in sugar production in the country over the last 30 years

The official conclusion of the Cold War & the new world order subsequently proposed by George Bush & Mikhail Gorbachev are analyzed. It is suggested that, currently, the world is not ordered, as national boundaries are arbitrarily drawn, economic crisis prevails, & human rights abuses abound. It is also argued that the current world order is not new, but mirrors the world order at the beginning of the twentieth century, with Japan dominating Asia, Germany dominating Europe, & the US dominating the Americas, & that current international organizations such as the UN promote the interests of the most powerful nations. 17 References. Adapted from the source document.

Analyzes the expansion of NATO (North Atlantic Treaty Organization) toward Eastern Europe since the Cold War in light of four types of considerations: (1) the interests of North American politics; (2) the Russian position; (3) the position of countries that have applied to become members; & (4) the position of countries excluded from NATO. Also considered are the interests of Americans who support the expansion of NATO, the reticent attitude of the Russian Federation in this respect, & the debates generated in favor of & against the expansion of this important body, a process which nevertheless continues. Adapted from the source document.

The new international scene had been shaping up for some time; it was marked by two great surprising and traumatic events: the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989 and the fall of the Twin Towers in New York on September 11, 2001. Now, a new international order has clearly emerged after the United States' military triumph over Saddam Hussein's regime. It is the consecration of a unipolar world, dominated by North American power. The United States seeks to build an international order where there are no vital threats to its security and its leadership is imposed to put its interests and values first. What is important is that the United States has both the ability and the political will to exercise its hard power and leadership. ; El nuevo escenario internacional se venía perfilando desde hace un tiempo y quedó marcado por dos grandes acontecimientos sorprendentes y traumáticos: la caída del Muro de Berlín en 1989 y la caída de las Torres Gemelas de Nueva York, el 11 de septiembre de 2001. Ahora, un nuevo orden internacional ha emergido de manera clara tras el triunfo militar de Estados Unidos sobre el régimen de Sadam Hussein. Es la consagración de un mundo unipolar, dominado por el poderío norteamericano. Estados Unidos busca construir un orden internacional donde no existan amenazas vitales a su seguridad y se imponga su liderazgo para hacer primar sus intereses y valores. Lo importante es que Estados Unidos tiene tanto la capacidad como la voluntad política de ejercer su poder duro y su liderazgo.

For Cuba, security and development are closely related. Achieving this aspiration has been the central goal of its national policy for the last 35 years. However, the search for these goals for Cubans has become a very complex and certainly risky undertaking. In this paper, the concept of Cuban security is analyzed in three aspects: military, internal politics and economic security. We maintain that the end of the Cold War has not made the task any easier. The old dangers remain and have been exacerbated by the new international situation. The US hegemonic syndrome towards the island has been accentuated by the unipolar situation derived from the disappearance of the Soviet Union, which was previously the island's main ally. ; Para Cuba, la seguridad y el desarrollo están íntimamente relacionados. Concretar esta aspiración ha constituido la meta central de su política nacional durante los últimos 35 años. No obstante, la búsqueda de esas metas para los cubanos se ha transformado en una empresa muy compleja y ciertamente riesgosa. En el presente trabajo se analizan el concepto de seguridad cubana en tres aspectos: la militar, la política interna y la seguridad económica. Sostenemos que el término de la Guerra Fría no le ha facilitado la tarea. Los antiguos peligros permanecen y se han visto agudizados por la nueva situación internacional. El síndrome hegemónico estadounidense hacia la Isla se ha acentuado por la situación unipolar derivada de la desaparición de la Unión Soviética, que anteriormente fue el principal aliado de la isla.

The end of the Cold War has transformed the United States foreign policy, challenging traditional national values and interests and causing global changes in various areas and political institutions. In a context where it is no longer possible to distinguish between foreign and domestic policy, underlying values are essential for the formulation and implementation of all public policies. From a nationalist and globalist perspective, this article examines three areas of this country's foreign policy in which values are important: War and conflict resolution, which includes the values of personal security and human rights; the United Nations and international organizations, which embody the values of the global community and solidarity; and foreign aid and sustainable development, with the values of human development, generosity and compassion. ; El fin de la Guerra Fría ha transformado la política exterior de Estados Unidos, desafiando los valores e intereses nacionales tradicionales y causando cambios globales en diversas áreas e instituciones políticas. En un contexto en el que ya no es posible distinguir entre política externa e interna, los valores subyacentes son esenciales para la formulación y aplicación de todas las políticas públicas. A partir de una perspectiva nacionalista y globalista, en este artículo se examinan tres áreas de la política exterior de este país, en las cuales los valores son importantes: Guerra y solución de conflictos, que incluye los valores de la seguridad personal y derechos humanos; las Naciones Unidas y las organizaciones internacionales, que incorporan los valores de la comunidad global y la solidaridad; y ayuda externa y desarrollo sustentable, con los valores del desarrollo humano, la generosidad y la conmiseración.

Poststructuralism is a theoretical approach to knowledge and society that embraces the ultimate undecidability of meaning, the constitutive power of discourse, and the political effectivity of theory and research. In this paper the authors explore three poststructuralist concepts/strategies –deconstruction, genealogy, and performativity– highlighting their uses in economic geography. The paper concludes with an exploration of how poststructuralism transforms and politicizes the practice of social research. In relation to this, they examine three poststructuralist research projects that actively engage in producing or destabilizing discursive formations, thereby participating in the constitution of power, subjectivity and social possibility. ; El posestructuralismo es una aproximación teórica al conocimiento y la sociedad que acoge la incertidumbre de los significados, el poder constitutivo del discurso y la efectividad política de la teoría y la investigación. Las autoras exploran tres conceptos/estrategias posestructuralistas –la deconstrucción, la genealogía y la performatividad– resaltando su uso en la geografía económica. El artículo concluye con una exploración acerca de la manera como el posestructuralismo transforma y politiza la práctica de la investigación social. Al respecto se consideran tres proyectos de investigación posestructuralistas que se involucran en producir o desestabilizar formaciones discursivas, y de esta forma participan en la construcción de poder, subjetividad y posibilidad social.

Aquest article introdueix una de les conseqüències negatives de la bretxa democràtica a la Unió Europea (UE): l'auge del poder de les grans empreses. La creixent simbiosi entre la Comissió Europea i els principals grups de pressió, com la Taula Rodona Europea d'Industrials (ERT) o el Diàleg Empresarial Transatlàntic (TABD), ha estat una de les principals raons per les quals l'objectiu primordial de la UE és la competitivitat internacional de les grans empreses, per damunt d'interessos socials i mediambientals. Prestem especial atenció a les polítiques de comerç internacional, una de les àrees on el buit democràtic és més gran. Per a la Comissió Europea és el pa de cada dia dissenyar aquestes polítiques sobre la base dels "interessos ofensius" de les empreses transnacionals "europees", en les que veu la seva circumscripció natural. ; Este artículo introduce una de las consecuencias negativas de la brecha democrática en la Unión Europea (UE): el auge del poder político de las grandes empresas. La creciente simbiosis entre la Comisión Europea y los principales grupos de presión, como la Mesa Redonda Europea de Industriales (ERT) o el Diálogo Empesarial Transatlántico (TABD), ha sico una de las principales razones por las que el objetivo primordial de la UE es la competitividad internacional de las grandes empresas, por encima de intereses sociales y medioambientales. Prestamos especial atención a las políticas de comercio internacional, una de las áreas donde el vacío democrático es mayor. Para la Comisión Europea es el pan de cada día disñar dichas políticas sobre la base de los "intereses ofensivos" de las empresas transnacionales "europeas", en las que ve su circunscripción natural. ; This paper discusses one of the negative consequences of the breach in democracy throught the European Union: the rise in political power of large companies. The growing symbiosis between the European Comission and pressure groups such as the European Round Table (ERT) of Industrials and the Transatlantic Business Dialogue (TABD) has been one of the main factors that has placed international competitiveness among large European companies as the main objective of the EU, with disregard for local social and environmental interests. We will pay special attention to international trading policies, one of the areas in wich the democratic void is most serious. The European Commission makes it its daily task to design these policies according the "agressive interests" of transnational "European" companies, wich it considers as its natural constituency. ; Peer Reviewed