Suchergebnisse

Abstract. This article aims to answer the research question
of whether a relationship exists between migration
and jihadi terrorism in Europe. The core argument is
that increased migration from mainly Muslim countries
has added to the risk of jihadi terrorism in European
countries. The phenomena of homegrown extremism
within immigrant communities, the cross-border movement
of radicalised individuals, and the return of foreign
fighters have all raised the likelihood of Islamic
terrorism in Europe. The research results suggest that
while migrants coming from terrorist-prone states are
an important vehicle through which terrorism is manifested
and diffused, there is an even bigger threat of
jihadi terrorism from radicalised individuals within
European immigrant communities.
Keywords: migration, radicalisation, terrorism, jihad,
Europe

This article examines the condition of Indonesia's Micro, Small and Medium-sized Enterprises (MSMEs) during the COVID-19 pandemic, particularly with respect to carrying out a digital transformation, and whether the COVID-19 pandemic has forced them to accelerate this transformation. This study found that Micro, Small and Medium-sized Enterprises – MSMEs during COVID-19 have been in an unstable state due to the impact of the restrictions imposed by COVID-19related policies. Nevertheless, MSMEs have been supported by the government, academics, and digital media in efforts to revive and accelerate the digital transformation with a view to surviving. The use of social media has helped MSMEs' programmes and services optimise their business performance. Job simplification was introduced to more efficiently create and reach a broader range of consumers by doing promotion, service delivery, accessing media and cooperating with third parties. The speed at which the digital transformation has occurred is reflected in an improvement in MSMEs' entrepreneurial skills and competencies. Keywords: Digital transformation; MSME; Social Media; COVID-19 pandemic

This issue focuses on the digitalisation of education and on utilising technology in teaching and learning. This is not a new topic for the magazine – and with good reason. Both in theory and practice, incorporating ICT into education is a constantly developing field and process; new knowledge and developments are introduced into the practice of teaching more quickly than they are into various official strategies. "Digital transformation" is a term used in politics and at the decision-making level to describe the various processes and recommendations to governments about incorporating technology use in schools. Recently, these processes have been guided by the European Commission's (2021) Digital Education Action Plan. In this and similar strategies, it is important to distinguish between the processes of "digitisation", "digitalisation" and "digital transformation" (Schmidt & Tang, 2020). ; Tokratna tematska številka Andragoških spoznanj se posveča digitalizaciji izobraževanja in vključevanju sodobnih tehnologij v procese učenja. To temo smo v reviji že večkrat obravnavali – z razlogom. Uvajanje IKT v izobraževalni proces je namreč področje in proces, ki se nenehno razvija – teoretsko, pa tudi v praksi –, spoznanja pa se hitreje kot v različne strategije vpeljujejo kar v samo prakso poučevanja. »Digitalna preobrazba« je pojem, s katerim se predvsem na politični, odločevalski ravni opisujejo različni procesi in priporočila vladam glede vključevanja tehnologije v šole. V zadnjem času te procese usmerja zlasti Akcijski načrt za digitalno izobraževanje, ki ga pripravlja Evropska komisija (2021). V tej in podobnih strategijah je treba ločevati med procesi »digitizacije« (angl. digitisation), digitalizacije in pa »digitalne preobrazbe« (Schmidt in Tang, 2020).

Abstract. Nativism does not only present a concept,
but also an ideological framework as well as a political practice related to identity politics. In the article we
firstly present the theoretical reflection of nativism and
operationalise the most important terms and characteristics of this phenomenon. Later, we apply the concept of nativism to the analysis of conservative populist
and/or nativist political actors in the Central European
region. The analysis shows how nativism, as a relatively
peripheral issue in the first 10–15 years after the democratic transition, became stronger in the next period
characterised by a set of crises after 2008. The analysis
demonstrates how the mainstream parties in Central
Europe adopted the nativist and conservative populist
agenda and implemented it into mainstream politics.
Furthermore, the analysis shows how Central European
nativism correlates with the long-term existence of antiliberal streams that were revitalised after the fall of
Communist regimes. These anti-modern societal groups
were reformulated as the counter-cosmopolitan camp
within the polarisation process that is clearly visible in
the political arena.
Keywords: nativism; national conservatism; identity
politics; Central Europe

There are two distant conceptual cousins that analyse the external mobilisation of subnational entities, one being European Studies – Multi-Level Governance and the other International Relations – Paradiplomacy. The article first aims to analyse each concept against the dimensions of the politik to determine the conceptual focus and find more pronounced differences in the policy and politics dimensions. The second aim is to identify the theoretical bedrock underpinning both concepts. This article proposes the analogous theory of Neo-Medievalism, establishing that it has some application here; in this sense, the two concepts may be better at explaining wider territorial reconfiguration underway in Europe. Keywords: Paradiplomacy, Multi-Level Governance, Neo-Medievalism, European Union

V pričujoči raziskavi smo preučili strukturo, dejavnike in posledice politične kulture in državljanske participacije v postjugoslovanskih družbah. Uporabljenih je bilo več virov kvantitativnih podatkov, med drugim raziskava 2.178 študentov družboslovja v osmih postjugoslovanskih entitetah (M starost = 19,8 leta, SD = 1,89) ; reprezentativni vzorci Evropske raziskave vrednot (2008) ; pretekli valovi Svetovne raziskave vrednot (1995/8) in podatki raziskave jugoslovanske mladine (Jupio, 1986). Analiza na agregatni ravni je pokazala, da so v socioekonomsko manj razvitih okoljih (Kosovo, BiH in NJR Makedonija) v večji meri prisotni elementi podložniške politične kulture (Almond in Verba, 1963), v okviru katere so se kot ključni elementi na individualni ravni izkazali avtoritarnost, splošni tradicionalizem, tradicionalni pogled na spolne vloge in nacionalizem. Medentitetne razlike na merah ekonomske kulture (ekonomski egalitarizem in državni paternalizem) so povečini majhne in statistično neznačilne, saj vse entitete na obeh indikatorjih dosegajo visoke povprečne vrednosti. V skladu s predvidevanji dopolnjene modernizacijske teorije je demokratična politična kultura bolj koherentna v socioekonomsko bolj razvitih postjugoslovanskih državah, v nasprotju s teorijo pa manj razvite države dosegajo višje povprečne ravni državljanske participacije. Starost in socioekonomski status sta se izkazala za najmočnejša sociodemografska dejavnika politične kulture in državljanske participacije. Višje stopnje učinkovite demokracije (Inglehart in Welzel, 2007) dosegajo socioekonomsko bolj razvite države, ki izkazujejo tudi najvišje stopnje demokratične politične kulture. Longitudinalna analiza ni pokazala enotne smeri političnokulturnih sprememb ; slednje so v zadnjih dveh desetletjih bile v smeri večanja tako demokratičnih kot tudi nekaterih podložniških orientacij (npr. avtoritarnosti). Avtorji sklenejo, da proces demokratične konsolidacije, tako političnokulturne kot tudi institucionalne, v večini postjugoslovanskih družb še ni končan. Na koncu so predstavljene implikacije raziskave. ; The present study examined structures, determinants and consequences of political culture and citizen participation in post-Yugoslav societies. Several empirical data sources were employed, among others a survey of 2,178 social science students in eight post-Yugoslav entities (M age = 19.8 years, SD = 1.89) ; representative samples from European Values Study (2008), earlier waves of World Values Survey (1995/8) and a study of Yugoslav youth Jupio carried out in 1985. The aggregate level results indicated that socio-economically less developed entities (Kosovo, BiH, and FYR Macedonia) scored higher on subject political culture (Almond and Verba, 1963), which was at the individual level found to be characterized by its four core components: authoritarianism, general traditionalism, traditional gender roles attitudes, and nationalism. Between-country differences on measures of economic cultural orientations (economic egalitarianism and state paternalism) were largely minor or insignificant, since all entities scored high on both measures. As predicted by revised modernization theory democratic political culture was found to be more coherent in socioeconomically more developed post-Yugoslav countries. Inconsistent with modernization approach results demonstrated higher levels of citizen participation in less well-off countries. Age and socioeconomic status proved to be the most potent sociodemographic predictors of political culture and citizen participation. Finally, democracy was found to be more effective (Inglehart and Welzel, 2007) in socioeconomically more developed countries, which also scored highest on measures of democratic political culture. Longitudinal analysis did not uniformly confirm substantive political culture changes with changes in the last two decades taking place in both democratic as well as authoritarian direction. Authors conclude that the process of democratic consolidation, both political-cultural as well as institutional, is far from over in the majority of post-Yugoslav entities. Implications of the results are discussed.

The research behind this paper is set in the context of the 2016 US presidential election that has come to symbolize the post-truth era. We conducted a literature review on the 2016 election, with the aim to better understand the impact of computational propaganda on the election outcome and on the behaviour of voters. The paper opens with a definition of post-truth society and related concepts such as fake news and computational propaganda. It explores the changes of political communication in a digital environment and analyses the role of social media in the 2016 election. It probes into phenomena such as the trivialization of politics and the loss of credibility of political actors, which are both common in post-truth societies. The reviewed literature seems to indicate that social media have become strong actors on the political stage, but so far not the predominant source of political information and influence on the behaviour of voters. The paper makes two important contributions. Firstly, drawing on the concept of post-truth society, it analyses the role of computational propaganda in the 2016 presidential election, and secondly, it attempts to explain the paradox of general political apathy on one hand, and increased political activism on the other. These are some of the challenges we are now facing, and in order to be able to cope with them it is important to acknowledge and understand them. ; The research behind this paper is set in the context of the 2016 US presidential election that has come to symbolize the post-truth era. We conducted a literature review on the 2016 election, with the aim to better understand the impact of computational propaganda on the election outcome and on the behaviour of voters. The paper opens with a definition of post-truth society and related concepts such as fake news and computational propaganda. It explores the changes of political communication in a digital environment and analyses the role of social media in the 2016 election. It probes into phenomena such as the trivialization of politics and the loss of credibility of political actors, which are both common in post-truth societies. The reviewed literature seems to indicate that social media have become strong actors on the political stage, but so far not the predominant source of political information and influence on the behaviour of voters. The paper makes two important contributions. Firstly, drawing on the concept of post-truth society, it analyses the role of computational propaganda in the 2016 presidential election, and secondly, it attempts to explain the paradox of general political apathy on one hand, and increased political activism on the other. These are some of the challenges we are now facing, and in order to be able to cope with them it is important to acknowledge and understand them. ; The research behind this paper is set in the context of the 2016 US presidential election that has come to symbolize the post-truth era. We conducted a literature review on the 2016 election, with the aim to better understand the impact of computational propaganda on the election outcome and on the behaviour of voters. The paper opens with a definition of post-truth society and related concepts such as fake news and computational propaganda. It explores the changes of political communication in a digital environment and analyses the role of social media in the 2016 election. It probes into phenomena such as the trivialization of politics and the loss of credibility of political actors, which are both common in post-truth societies. The reviewed literature seems to indicate that social media have become strong actors on the political stage, but so far not the predominant source of political information and influence on the behaviour of voters. The paper makes two important contributions. Firstly, drawing on the concept of post-truth society, it analyses the role of computational propaganda in the 2016 presidential election, and secondly, it attempts to explain the paradox of general political apathy on one hand, and increased political activism on the other. These are some of the challenges we are now facing, and in order to be able to cope with them it is important to acknowledge and understand them. ; The research behind this paper is set in the context of the 2016 US presidential election that has come to symbolize the post-truth era. We conducted a literature review on the 2016 election, with the aim to better understand the impact of computational propaganda on the election outcome and on the behaviour of voters. The paper opens with a definition of post-truth society and related concepts such as fake news and computational propaganda. It explores the changes of political communication in a digital environment and analyses the role of social media in the 2016 election. It probes into phenomena such as the trivialization of politics and the loss of credibility of political actors, which are both common in post-truth societies. The reviewed literature seems to indicate that social media have become strong actors on the political stage, but so far not the predominant source of political information and influence on the behaviour of voters. The paper makes two important contributions. Firstly, drawing on the concept of post-truth society, it analyses the role of computational propaganda in the 2016 presidential election, and secondly, it attempts to explain the paradox of general political apathy on one hand, and increased political activism on the other. These are some of the challenges we are now facing, and in order to be able to cope with them it is important to acknowledge and understand them. ; The research behind this paper is set in the context of the 2016 US presidential election that has come to symbolize the post-truth era. We conducted a literature review on the 2016 election, with the aim to better understand the impact of computational propaganda on the election outcome and on the behaviour of voters. The paper opens with a definition of post-truth society and related concepts such as fake news and computational propaganda. It explores the changes of political communication in a digital environment and analyses the role of social media in the 2016 election. It probes into phenomena such as the trivialization of politics and the loss of credibility of political actors, which are both common in post-truth societies. The reviewed literature seems to indicate that social media have become strong actors on the political stage, but so far not the predominant source of political information and influence on the behaviour of voters. The paper makes two important contributions. Firstly, drawing on the concept of post-truth society, it analyses the role of computational propaganda in the 2016 presidential election, and secondly, it attempts to explain the paradox of general political apathy on one hand, and increased political activism on the other. These are some of the challenges we are now facing, and in order to be able to cope with them it is important to acknowledge and understand them. ; Članek je utemeljen na raziskavah ameriških predsedniških volitev leta 2016, ki so postale simbol postresničnostnega obdobja. Predstavlja pregled literature na temo volitev in pomaga razumeti vpliv, ki ga je računalniška propaganda imela na izid volitev in obnašanje volivcev. Članek se začne z definicijo postresničnostne družbe in z njo povezanih konceptov, kot so lažne novice in računalniška propaganda. Poglobi se v spremembe, ki jih je politična komunikacija doživela v digitalnem okolju, in analizira vlogo socialnih medijev v volitvah leta 2016. Prouči tudi spremljajoče pojave postresničnostne družbe, kot sta banalnost politike in izguba kredibilnosti političnih akterjev. Po pregledu literature se zdi, da so socialni mediji sicer postali pomemben dejavnik na političnem odru, vendar zaenkrat še niso prevladujoč vir političnih informacij ali vpliva na obnašanje volivcev. Članek prinaša dva pomembna prispevka: s pomočjo koncepta postresničnostne družbe analizira vlogo računalniške propagande v predsedniških volitvah 2016, obenem pa skuša razložiti paradoks splošne politične apatije na eni strani in povečanega političnega aktivizma na drugi. Da bi bili pri soočanju z omenjenimi izzivi uspešni, jih moramo najprej prepoznati in razumeti.

Finančna kriza, ki se je začela v ZDA leta 2007, je vplivala na vse panoge svetovnega gospodarstva. Največ pozornosti je bilo v tem obdobju namenjene krizi bančnega sistema, ki ga je kriza prizadela najbolj intenzivno. A tudi zavarovalniškemu sektorju kriza ni prizanesla. V prvem delu magistrske naloge smo ugotavljali značilnosti evropskega in slovenskega zavarovalniškega sektorja, njuno stopnjo razvitosti, strukturo in zgodovinski razvoj. Ugotovili smo, da so krize sestavni del svetovne ekonomije in ugotovili vlogo zavarovalniškega sektorja kot blažilca krize. Vpliv finančne krize na poslovanje zavarovalnic smo v magistrski nalogi raziskali na geografskem področju Evrope in z vzorcem štirideset največjih zavarovalnic po bilančni vsoti. Poslovanje zavarovalnic v obdobju pred in v krizi smo analizirali na podlagi najpomembnejših finančnih kazalnikov, kot so cena delnice, čisti dobiček, celotna sredstva in kapital, tržna kapitalizacija, dobiček na delnico, ROA, ROE, beta, število delnic in multiplikator čistega dobička. Finančne kazalnike smo sprva razložili s teoretičnega vidika, nato pa v sklopu analize izpostavili njihove prednosti in slabosti pri uporabi za nakupne odločitve delnic. Statistično analizo smo opravili s pomočjo enostavne regresijske in korelacijske analize. Rezultati regresijske analize so nam dali odgovor na vprašanja o dejanskem vplivu krize na posamezno zavarovalnico in finančni kazalnik. Prav tako o moči in obsegu krize, ki smo jih nato posplošili na celotni zavarovalniški trg Evrope. Uporabljene statistične analize so nam potrdile vpliv krize na evropski zavarovalniški trg, vendar je bil ta znotraj zavarovalnic in finančnih kazalnikov zelo raznolik. S korelacijsko analizo smo ugotavljali, kakšna je medsebojna koreliranost zavarovalnic pri posameznem finančnem kazalniku. Glede na vse večjo stopnjo globalizacije in integracije evropskega in svetovnega gospodarstva smo ugotovili, da ima to vpliv tudi na zavarovalnice, ki so med seboj v veliko primerih korelirane. V analizo smo vključili tudi slovenski zavarovalniški sektor, in sicer zavarovalnico, ki od leta 2008 kotira na Ljubljanski borzi vrednostnih papirjev, Zavarovalnico Triglav, d. d. Slovenski zavarovalniški sektor smo primerjali z evropskim in tako ugotavljali razlike in podobnosti, ki so se dogajale v analiziranem obdobju. Že v prvem delu smo ugotovili, da slovenski zavarovalniški sektor po razvitosti zaostaja za evropskim povprečjem. Razvojni zaostanek pa se zaradi hitrega razvoja slovenskih zavarovalnic počasi zmanjšuje. Prav razlika v razvitosti slovenskega in evropskega zavarovalniškega trga je močno vplivala na končne rezultate analize, ki so potrdili neznaten vpliv krize na slovenski zavarovalniški sektor. ; Die Finanzkrise, die in Vereinigten Staaten im Jahr 2007 begann, hatte Auswirkungen auf alle Sektoren der Weltwirtschaft. In diesem Zeitraum hatte die größte Aufmerksamkeit die Krise des Bankwesens, die von der Krise am intensivsten betroffen war, aber auch der Versicherungssektor war von der Krise nicht verschont. Im ersten Teil der Masterarbeit schreiben wir über die Eigenschaften der europäischen und slowenischen Versicherungssektoren und über deren Entwicklungsstand, Struktur und der historischen Entwicklung. Wir stellten fest, dass Krisen ein Bestandteil der Weltwirtschaft sind, und dass die Versicherungssektoren die Rolle als Stoßdämpfer einnehmen. In unserer Magisterarbeit erforschten wir die Auswirkungen, die die Finanzkrise in dem geografischen Gebiet Europa, auf die Versicherungsanstalt hatte. Die Forschungsarbeit wurde an einer Stichprobe, die aus vierzig größten Versicherungsanstalten bestand und die mithilfe der Bilanzsumme durchgeführt wurde. Geschäftstätigkeit der Versicherungsanstalten in der Zeit vor und während der Krise wurde auf der Grundlage der wichtigsten Finanzkennzahlen wie Preis pro Aktie, Reingewinn, Bilanzsumme und Kapitalsumme, Marktkapitalisierung, Gewinn pro Aktie, ROA, ROE, Beta und andere. Finanzkennzahlen wurden zunächst von theoretischer Sicht erklärt. Danach untersuchten wir in Rahmen der Analyse ihre Vor- und Nachteile bei der Entscheidung von Aktieneinkauf. Statistische Analyse wurde mithilfe der einfachen Regressions- und Korrelationsanalyse durchgeführt. Die Ergebnisse der Regressionsanalyse gaben uns Antwort auf die Fragen, ob die Krise tatsächlich Einfluss auf die einzelnen Versicherungsanstalten und Finanzkennzahlen hatten und auch über dem Ausmaß und Stärke der Krise, das wir danach auf den gesamten europäischen Versicherungsmarkt verallgemeinert haben. ¬Die genutzte statistische Analyse hat uns den Einfluss der Krise auf dem europäischen Versicherungsmarkt bestätigt, aber er war sehr heterogen innerhalb Versicherungsunternehmen und Finanzkennzahlen. Die Korrelationsanalyse wurde verwendet, um festzustellen, ob die Versicherungsanstalten miteinander bei einzelnen Finanzkennzahlen in Korrelation sind. Mit dem steigenden Niveau der Globalisierung und Integration der europäischen und globalen Wirtschaft, sind wir der Meinung, dass dies eine Auswirkung auf Versicherungsanstalten hat, die sind nämlich in vielen Fällen in Korrelation. Die Analyse umfasste auch den slowenischen Versicherungssektor, und zwar Versicherungsanstalt Zavarovalnica Triglav d.d., die seit 2008 an der Börse codiert ist. Den slowenischen Versicherungssektor verglichen wir mit dem Europäischen, um so Unterschiede und Ähnlichkeiten zwischen den beiden festzustellen. Im ersten Teil stellten wir fest, dass der slowenische Versicherungssektor in der Entwicklung, im Vergleich zu dem europäischen Durchschnitt, im Rückstand ist. Der Entwicklungsrückstand hat sich durch die rasante Entwicklung der Versicherung in Slowenien vermindert. Der Unterschied zwischen der Entwicklung des slowenischen und europäischen Versicherungsmarktes hat einen großen Einfluss auf die endgültigen Ergebnisse der Analyse. Wir fanden heraus, dass die Krise unwesentliche Auswirkungen auf dem slowenischen Versicherungssektor hat.

Politična korektnost predstavlja velik problem v današnji družbi, ki skuša biti inkluzivna. V inkluzivni družbi je namreč pomemben jezik, ki ga uporabljamo, saj ne želimo nikogar diskriminirati ali izključiti iz družbe. Magistrsko delo se osredotoča na politično korektne in nekorektne izraze, ki se pojavijo na socialnem omrežju Twitter v času predvolilne kampanje v ZDA in v Avstriji. Zanimal me je predvsem jezik štirih predsedniških kandidatov: Donalda Trumpa in Hillary Clinton iz ZDA ter Norberta Hoferja in Alexandra van der Bellena iz Avstrije. S pomočjo izbranih objav na socialnem omrežju Twitter sem skušala poiskati povezave med Avstrijo in ZDA. V teoretičnem delu sem navedla vse potrebne definicije in prikazala politično korektnost v povezavi z drugimi jezikovnimi fenomeni, kot so tabuji, stereotipi in predsodki. Ločeno sem obravnavala politično korektnost v Avstriji in politično korektnost v ZDA. Zanimala me je tudi povezava politične korektnosti s svobodo govora. Raziskala sem, s katerimi zakoni je urejena pravica do svobode govora v Avstriji oz. Evropi ter v ZDA. V empiričnem delu sledi analiza izbranih objav. Vse politično nekorektne in politično korektne izraze, ki so se pojavili v času predvolilne kampanje, sem razdelila v kategorije in jih analizirala tako statistično kot tudi jezikovno. Rezultati so pokazali razliko med ZDA in Avstrijo glede rabe politično korektnega jezika in zmage na volitvah. V ZDA je namreč zmagal kandidat, ki je med kampanjo uporabil največ politično nekorektnih izrazov. V Avstriji pa je zmagal politično najbolj korekten kandidat. Največ različnih politično nekorektnih izrazov se je pojavilo na področju rasnega/etničnega razlikovanja, kar sem tudi pričakovala. ; Political correctness matters for inclusive society. Language that we use is very important in an inclusive society because we do not want to discriminate or exclude anyone from society. This master's thesis focuses on politically correct and politically incorrect terms that appeared in the social network Twitter during the election campaign in the USA and Austria. I was interested in the language of the four presidential candidates, Donald Trump and Hillary Clinton from the USA, and Norbert Hofer and Alexander Van der Bellen from Austria. I tried to find similarities and differences between Austria and the USA with the help of selected posts on Twitter. The theoretical part, contains the definition of political correctness and show political correctness in relation to other linguistic phenomena, such as taboos, stereotypes and prejudices. Political correctness in Austria and political correctness in the USA are compared and political correctness is associated to the freedom of speech. The legislation regulating right to the freedom of speech in Austria and in the USA is discussed. The empirical part presents an analysis of selected Twitter posts. All politically incorrect and politically correct terms that were found during the election campaign were divided into categories and analyzed both statistically as well as linguistically. I have found out that politically correct language is not necessary for an election victory. In the USA a candidate who used the most politically incorrect expressions during the campaign won. In Austria, on the other hand, the most politically correct candidate won. Most politically incorrect expressions appeared in the category racial/ethnical discrimination, which was expected.

Evropske države so se povezale v EU na podlagi nekaterih skupnih temeljnih vrednot med katerima vidno mesto zavzemata demokracija in pravna država. S tem v zvezi sta medijsko zelo izpostavljeni Madžarska in Poljska, ki sta v zadnjem času sprejeli vrsto zakonov, ki nasprotujejo evropskim temeljem. Gradita neliberalno demokracijo, saj naj bi bila po njunem mnenju liberalna preživeta. EU pa pri varovanju svojih vrednot za enkrat ni najbolj uspešna, zato se v nalogi sprašujem, kaj vse bi EU morala postoriti, da bi se države vrnile v evropske okvirje. Pri tem pa ne zagovarjam niti ostrih posegov v posamezno državo, niti ne visokih denarnih sankcij. Skozi nalogo ves čas opozarjam, da je potrebno nasloviti problem pri njegovih vzrokih ter da je nujno, da se med vsemi vpletenimi stranmi vzpostavi dialog ter da se skupaj poišče rešitev in skupno pot naprej. ; European countries have connected into the EU on the grounds of common fundamental values, most notably democracy and the rule of law. In regard to the latter two values, Hungary and Poland attract the most media coverage, as they have in the recent time changed a few laws that contradict the European foundations. In their own words, they are building an illiberal democracy, as they believe that the liberal one is outdated. EU is at present not very successful at protecting its values ; this is why I am wandering in this article what does the EU has to do in order to bring the country back into the European frame. I am not in favour of either any intervention into the country neither am I in favour of the high financial sanctions. Through this piece I am continuously arguing that the problem needs to be addressed at its roots and that all the actors involved need to run a dialogue to find a suitable solution together for a united path forward.

Notions of the power associated with the European Union's foreign policy and its role in international relations are mostly liberal in origin. This explains the EU's special role in the Cold War era and that it has since emerged more as a moral, ethical and normative power. The EU's lack of military capability has probably been the main cause that prevents it from acting as a great or superpower. The distinction between materialistic and immaterial elements of power has been a crucial point of contention between realists and liberal thinkers. In international relations, we are also witnessing the trend of the EU increasingly using the geopolitical approach (such as in the Ukrainian crisis) besides the normative one. In the article, different concepts of EU foreign policy regarding power in the light of realism and liberalism are compared where, alongside the descriptive method, a SWOT analysis is performed. Keywords: realism, liberalism, power, European Union, Ukraine, foreign policy, international relations

Abstract. In which ways can we theorise the recent illegalised migrations in Europe? This article considers
theoretical novelties in the field of migration studies
that have emerged since the mass migration into the
European Union seen in 2015. Methodologically, the
authors combine critical (discursive) analysis with the
testing of certain still relevant theoretical concepts that
have yet to be applied in migration studies, based on
fieldwork along the Balkan Route over the last 5 years.
The analysis has shown that the defining and decisive
feature of the recent illegalised migrations, insufficiently considered by migrations scholarship, is the political
subjectivity and agency of the migrants. Recognition of
such agency makes migration the site of the critique of
global inequalities and the site of inclusive social transformation.
Keywords: Migrations; Europe; Political Theory; State;
Balkan Migrant Route

Abstract. The purpose of the article is to explain the creation of the Slovenian debt state and its transformation
into a consolidation state after the crisis of 2008. When
the crisis struck Slovenia in 2009, the banking system
was near collapse. Through the recapitalisations of the
banking system the public debt began to grow. After a
couple of years and under the structural pressures of rating agencies and pressures from the EU, the Slovenian
state had to adopt austerity measures to consolidate its
public finances, while limiting the scope of democracy.
The main finding of the article is that the crisis of 2008
fundamentally changed the Slovenian state.
Keywords: capitalist state, consolidation state, debt,
Slovenia, democracy