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Socialism was born out of the belief in the bright future of mankind. Thus, the utopian vision of classless society occupied the minds of the early communist avant-garde. Yet, such hopes did not survive the initial revolutionary enthusiasm. As the social organization of the 'real socialism' turned out to be a rigid bureaucratic system, the visions of the 'bright future' were replaced by the 'picture of the golden age', namely the image of the revolution itself. Accordingly, rituals commemorating the 'founding fathers of socialism' substituted the ritualized commitments to building the 'ideal society of equals'. The ideological content of socialism vanished. Past memories occupied the present. With the breakdown of communism the present could for a moment release itself from the iron grip of the past. The "envelope of the unhistorical" seemed to be open for the deeds of new reformers. Yet, the present could not escape too far. It was almost immediately caught again either by the past or by the future. In the first case, post-communist nationalisms (Brubaker 1996) monopolized the political field; in the second case, the "scientists of the not yet" (Stark and Bruszt 1998: 1-11) disseminated their neoliberal visions of free-market economy. As a result, the present was defined either in terms of national myths going far back to history or by visions to be realized by imitation of the Western model of capitalism. The focus of this paper is the different paths taken by different countries in the region after the collapse of socialism. The paper distinguishes between the 'nationalizing alternative' as one basic direction, and the 'catching up option' as another one. The paper further argues that this dichotomy itself forms around two clusters of several potential stances which could have been taken in the process of transformations. The goal of the paper is to propose a general framework, with the help of which the interactions 'behind' the political decisions taken by political elites in the post-socialist countries ...

The aim of the article was to identify the current state of the process of civil society transformation in the context of political radicalism in Eastern Europe. Comparative law and statistical analysis were the main methodological tools. The research showed that the development of political radicalism in Eastern Europe leads to the transformation of civil society. A more persistent and contentious public makes new demands on the political process. It also creates multidimensional tensions and conflicts. Representatives of radicalism gain strong positions in the political environment of society by supporting illiberalism, ethno-nationalism, culture wars and alternative knowledge. The process of merging militant and violent radicalism with family ethnonationalism is ongoing in the countries of Eastern Europe. It is concluded that this phenomenon requires constant implementation of political, legal and security strategies to prevent manifestations of political radicalism. The appropriateness and prospects of the activities of the Radicalization Awareness Network, developed by the European Union, were established.

The article studies the current changes taking place in the civil society sector of Eastern European countries under the impact of intensifying radical action on the political environment. One of the key areas of progress of modern states is a further development of democratic values, which depends largely on the activity of the civil society sector. In this regard, the aim of the study was to examine the main problems and areas of change in the development of the civil society sector during the period of intensification of political radicalism in some Eastern European democracies. Methodologically, they used the empirical results of a survey of citizens of Eastern European countries to determine areas of development and key issues of civil society. In conclusion, a comparative analysis of the level of development of the civil sector and the degree of radicalization in Eastern European countries revealed the correlation between the development of civil society and radical policy frameworks.

Between 1994 and 1999 the Catholic church promoted five special synods, one for each Continent of the Earth: Africa, America, Asia, Oceania and Europe. On June, 28, 2003, Pope John Paul II promulgated the post-synodal apostolic exhortation Ecclesia in Europa, addressed to the whole European Community in order to illustrate the results of the Synod of European Churches held in 1999. The document wanted to be a way for taking in consideration one's own past and the Christian roots looking to provide the governance of the new Europe, especially in the perspective of the largest enlargement of the European Union planned between 2004 and 2007. Those cultural and Christian roots are readily available within the ecclesiastical archives of all European countries, a priceless patrimony which, after the Second Vatican Council, the Catholic church aimed to enhance more and more. The present work illustrates the main documents that led the Church to highlight the importance of the ecclesiastical archives in the European history by a brief analysis of the apostolic exhortation Ecclesia in Europa. ; Entre 1994 y 1999, la Iglesia Católica promovió cinco sínodos especiales, uno para cada Continente de la Tierra: África, América, Asia, Oceanía y Europa. El 28 de junio de 2003, el Papa Juan Pablo II promulgó la exhortación apostólica post-sinodal Ecclesia in Europa, dirigida a toda la Comunidad Europea, a instituciones y ciudadanos, para ilustrar los resultados del Sínodo de las Iglesias europeas. El documento quería ser una invitación a considerar su pasado, sus raíces cristianas, en el gobierno de la nueva Europa, especialmente en vista de la mayor ampliación de la Unión Europea planeada entre 2004 y 2007. Esas raíces culturales y cristianas están fácilmente disponibles en los archivos eclesiásticos de todos los países europeos, un patrimonio único y que, después del Concilio Vaticano II, la Iglesia católica ha mejorado mucho. La comunicación investiga los principales documentos que llevaron a la Iglesia a este importante camino de conocimiento de los archivos, también a la luz de un breve análisis del texto de la exhortación apostólica Ecclesia in Europa, con el fin de que la gente entienda el papel de los archivos eclesiásticos en la historia europea.

The author argues in the first four sections that there are two main reasons for using "post-democracy" as the adequate term for describing contemporary western societies. On the one hand there is a class biased decline in political participation which hurts the democratic promise of equality. On the other hand we observe a weakening of the democratic state due to the globalization of politics. In effect politics at the dawn of the twenty-first century is becoming more and more a game played by international elites almost without democratic control. In the last section the author asked whether the concept of post-democracy could be transformed to Latin-America. However, there is no clear answer to this question due to the fact that all political concepts are essentially contested. ; En los primeros cuatro apartados el autor enuncia dos motivos principales para la descripción de las sociedades occidentales de hoy como "post-democráticas". Por un lado, es posible constatar - particularmente en los segmentos socialmente excluidos - un retraimiento de la participación electoral, lo cual afecta la promesa democrática de la igualdad. Por otro lado, podemos observar por lo menos desde hace dos décadas un debilitamiento del actuar democráticamente legitimado del Estado, lo cual está relacionado con el proceso de unificación europea y con la globalización económica. Producto de ello, la política a comienzos del siglo XXI es llevada adelante cada vez más por elites internacionalizadas que no están sujetas al control democrático. En el último apartado es discutido si el concepto de "post-democracia" también puede ser transferido a América Latina. Sin embargo, no resulta posible dar una respuesta concluyente, en cuanto la semántica de conceptos como "democracia" y "post-democracia es inevitablemente controvertida.

The article analyses the American Revolution in Military Affairs, an idea which not only articulated the U.S. post-Cold War strategic planning and was the key promoter of its process of military Transformation, but it is also the main responsible for its initial successes and later failures in the protracted Afghan and Iraqi campaigns. ; El artículo estudia la Revolución Americana en los Asuntos Militares, eje del planeamiento estratégico estadounidense de la inmediata posguerra fría, promotora de su proceso de Transformación militar y responsable de los logros iniciales y de los fracasos posteriores en las largas campañas de Afganistán e Irak.

The article analyses the American Revolution in Military Affairs, an idea which not only articulated the U.S. post-Cold War strategic planning and was the key promoter of its process of military Transformation, but it is also the main responsible for its initial successes and later failures in the protracted Afghan and Iraqi campaigns. ; El artículo estudia la Revolución Americana en los Asuntos Militares, eje del planeamiento estratégico estadounidense de la inmediata posguerra fría, promotora de su proceso de Transformación militar y responsable de los logros iniciales y de los fracasos posteriores en las largas campañas de Afganistán e Irak.

The article presents a framework for comparing the policy-making rights of the parliamentary opposition in the parliamentary democracies of Central and Eastern Europe (Czech Republic, Hungary, Lithuania, Poland and Ukraine). The right of the parliamentary opposition to oppose the government formed by the ruling majority is a fundamental feature of liberal democracy. The application of constitutional values (democracy and rule of law) in Central and Eastern European states demonstrates the actual level of fragmentation, polarization and cartelization of the opposition. The Rule of Law Index 2021 explicitly shows that, among the Central and Eastern European countries surveyed, Lithuania ranks 18th, the Czech Republic 22nd, Poland 36th, Hungary 69th and Ukraine 74th. The Rule of Law Index refers to limitations of government powers, absence of corruption, open government and other issues related to the mission of the parliamentary opposition. It is concluded that, the distance (not only ideological) between the ruling majority and the parliamentary opposition is based on the ability to form government, participation in policy making, scrutiny of strategy and (populist) government policy.

In Argentina, the crisis of 2001 and the redefinition of neoliberal postulates brought innovations in both society and the state. One of the main changes was the birth of a new mode of social regulation, which developed as the State took new forms and contents. This article focuses on the analysis of the new type of State and its social interventions, observing its economic, political and administrative characteristics, but not as social policies but as indicators of the new statehood and its link with the transformation of the mode of regulation . ; En Argentina, la crisis de 2001 y la redefinición de los postulados neoliberales trajo innovaciones tanto en la sociedad como en el Estado. Uno de los principales cambios fue el nacimiento de un nuevo modo de regulación social, el cual se desarrolló a la par que el Estado tomaba nuevas formas y contenidos. Este artículo se centra en el análisis del nuevo tipo de Estado y de sus intervenciones sociales, observando sus características económicas, políticas y administrativas, pero no en tanto políticas sociales sino como indicadores de la nueva estatalidad y su vinculación con la transformación del modo de regulación.

The Foreign Security Policy of United States has been determinant in the configuration of different international orders. During Cold War, United States built a based- anti . socialist action security agenda supported in the nuclear challenge. At the end of Cold War, United States designed a new agenda supported on shaping the international environment, responding to the full spectrum of crises and Preparing for an uncertain future. This agenda tried to respond to different challenges in a new world; nevertheless, it failed before 11.09.01 attacks. After attacks, the contemporary security agenda makes a new security definition and redesigns the United States challenges, but it doesn.t built a new security paradigm, and for this reason, this agenda offers serious questions about an adequate applications of any security policy. ; La política exterior de seguridad estadounidense ha sido determinante para la configuración de distintos órdenes internacionales. Durante la Guerra Fría, Estados Unidos construyó una agenda de seguridad basada en la confrontación con el enemigo socialista a partir de la amenaza nuclear. Al finalizar la Guerra Fría, Estados Unidos diseñó una nueva agenda basada en una remodelación del medio ambiente internacional, una adecuada respuesta al espectro completo de las crisis y la preparación para un futuro incierto. Aunque esta agenda pretendió responder a los retos de un mundo nuevo, fracasó ante los ataques del 11 de septiembre de 2001. Después de los ataques terroristas, la agenda de seguridad contemporánea crea una nueva definición de la seguridad y redefine las amenazas de Estados Unidos, pero no crea un paradigma nuevo, lo cual genera serias dudas sobre la adecuada aplicación de una política de seguridad.

The Foreign Security Policy of United States has been determinant in the configuration of different international orders. During Cold War, United States built a based- anti . socialist action security agenda supported in the nuclear challenge. At the end of Cold War, United States designed a new agenda supported on shaping the international environment, responding to the full spectrum of crises and Preparing for an uncertain future. This agenda tried to respond to different challenges in a new world; nevertheless, it failed before 11.09.01 attacks. After attacks, the contemporary security agenda makes a new security definition and redesigns the United States challenges, but it doesn.t built a new security paradigm, and for this reason, this agenda offers serious questions about an adequate applications of any security policy. ; La política exterior de seguridad estadounidense ha sido determinante para la configuración de distintos órdenes internacionales. Durante la Guerra Fría, Estados Unidos construyó una agenda de seguridad basada en la confrontación con el enemigo socialista a partir de la amenaza nuclear. Al finalizar la Guerra Fría, Estados Unidos diseñó una nueva agenda basada en una remodelación del medio ambiente internacional, una adecuada respuesta al espectro completo de las crisis y la preparación para un futuro incierto. Aunque esta agenda pretendió responder a los retos de un mundo nuevo, fracasó ante los ataques del 11 de septiembre de 2001. Después de los ataques terroristas, la agenda de seguridad contemporánea crea una nueva definición de la seguridad y redefine las amenazas de Estados Unidos, pero no crea un paradigma nuevo, lo cual genera serias dudas sobre la adecuada aplicación de una política de seguridad.

La hispanidad se constituyó en un principio político durante buena parte del siglo XX español. Desde el cuño liberal conservador que proponía el ejercicio dialógico horizontal entre países que usaban la misma lengua para comunicarse, hasta el nacionalcatolicismo franquista, interesado de romper el cerco del aislacionismo internacional, el concepto hispanista ha seguido un sinuoso camino entre pragmatismo y voluntarismo. Este artículo propone que la Cumbre Iberoamericana, creada en 1991, y las propuestas de VOX para revisitar el concepto, y sus medidas migratorias, así como el término "hispanósfera", constituyen capítulos del citado derrotero. ; Hispanic Community became a political principle for much of the Spanish 20th century. From the liberal conservative stamp that proposed the horizontal dialogical exercise between countries that used the same language to communicate, to Franco's national Catholicism, interested in breaking the fence of international isolationism, the Hispanic concept has followed a winding path between pragmatism and voluntarism. This article proposes that the Ibero-American Summit, created in 1991, and VOX's proposals to revisit the concept, and its migratory measures, as well as the term "Hispanic sphere", constitute chapters of the aforementioned course.

The purpose of the article is to explain the liberal and realist discourses that underpinned the Canadian International Security Policy (CISP) during the post-Cold War. In particular, it offers evidence to show that Canadian governments inevitably debate between cosmopolitan values and strategic interests in formulating their respective policies of international security. After considering how liberal and realist orientations of this policy have been studied in the literature on CISP, it explains the specific liberal and realist discourses that have shaped international security policies of the governments of Jean Chrétien (1993-2003), Paul Martin (2003-2006) and Stephen Harper (2006 -). As a final consideration, it intends to elucidate the progressive way in which the various Canadian governments have been adopting the United States' cosmopolitan values and interests regarding international security. ; El propósito del artículo consiste en explicar los discursos liberales y realistas que han sustentado la Política de Seguridad Internacional de Canadá (PSIC) durante la posguerra fría. En especial, se ofrecen evidencias orientadas a demostrar que los gobiernos canadienses se debaten inevitablemente entre valores cosmopolitas e intereses estratégicos, al formular sus respectivas políticas de seguridad internacional. Luego de considerar, en el seno de la literatura sobre la PSIC, cómo se han estudiado las orientaciones liberales y realistas de esta política, se explican los discursos liberales y realistas específicos que han configurado las políticas de seguridad internacional de los gobiernos de Jean Chrétien (1993-2003), Paul Martin (2003-2006) y Stephen Harper (2006). Como una consideración final, se pretende dilucidar el modo progresivo en el que los distintos gobiernos canadienses han venido adoptando los intereses y valores cosmopolitas de Estados Unidos en materia de seguridad internacional.