Suchergebnisse

Kolaps reda i rasprostranjeno nasilje u Albaniji 1997. godine prouzročilo je pad Vlade i smrt oko 2.000 osoba. Neredi 1997. godine bili su posljedica propasti špekulativnih financijskih piramidalnih shema koje su nalikovale ratnoj ekonomskoj strukturi. Tijekom događaja 1997. godine došlo je do konfiskacije i krađe državne imovine velikih razmjera. Tranzicijsko razdoblje Albanije iz komunističkog u demokratski sustav, započeto 1990. godine, dovelo je do uspostave novih struktura za profitiranje od resursa te zemlje. Neke od tih političkih i ekonomskih struktura nestale su kao posljedica događaja 1997. godine, a druge, uključujući njihove strukturalne posljedice, i dalje su prisutne i imaju utjecaj na političku stabilnost i ekonomski napredak zemlje. Danas možemo ocijeniti uspjehe i neuspjehe Albanije na temelju napretka te zemlje od događaja 1997. godine. U članku se analiziraju događaji 1997. godine kao i transformacija albanskih političkih i ekonomskih struktura između 1997. i 2016. godine, uzimajući u obzir postignuća i neuspjehe. Iz perspektive uspješnosti sagledava se način na koji se zemlja nosila s izgradnjom mira i razvojnom agendom nakon 1997. godine. Razmatraju se čimbenici koji su doveli do neuspješnosti države 1997. godine, kao i oni nakon toga, a koji su pridonijeli povijesnoj uvjetovanosti do trenutnog političkog konteksta države. Premda se mnogo pisalo o 1997. godini, vrlo je malo provedenih analiza iz perspektive istraživanja neuspješnih država. U tom kontekstu u članku se pokušava ponuditi Albanija kao primjer studije slučaja transformativnog procesa od ustanka do sadašnje situacije obilježene kao mješavina uspjeha i neuspjeha. U ovom se članku ukazuje na nekoliko pouka koje bi mogle biti od koristi za strategije usmjerene prema procesu transformacije. ; In 1997 Albania experienced a collapse of order and widespread violence, which resulted in a situation where the government was overthrown and some 2,000 people were killed. The 1997 disorder came as a result of the collapse of fraudulent financial pyramid schemes that had all the features of a war-like economic structure. During the 1997 events, large-scale confiscation and stealing of state assets occurred. Albania's transitional period from communism to democracy, which began in 1990, led to the establishment of new structures for profiting from the country's resources. Some of these political and economic structures, in the aftermath of the 1997 events, disappeared and others, including their structural effects, persist and have had an impact on the country's political stability and economic progress. Today, both the successes and failures of the country are assessed based on the progress that the country has made since the 1997 events. The paper analyses the 1997 events and the transformation of Albania's political and economic structures between 1997 and 2016, considering both achievements and failures. It looks at how the country has dealt with the post-1997 peace-building and development agenda from the perspective of it being a success. It looks at the factors that led to state failure in 1997 and at the factors that continue and have generated a path dependency to the current political context of the country. Although a lot has been written concerning the 1997 events, very little analysis has been conducted concerning what it means from the perspective of research on state failure. In this context, the proposed paper seeks to offer Albania as a case study example of a transformation process, from the uprising to the current situation, which is characterized as a mixture of successes and failures. The belief is that the proposed paper will point to some lessons learned for the strategies directed at the transformation processes.

The problem with sovereignty is that it is marked by traditional paradoxes: namely, it represents a stance that presumes an institutional solution, & simultaneously empowers all institutions of a given community (& thus is above them). Sovereignty has the form of a legal instance, but it is also the prerequisite of an entire (positive) legal system of a community; it manifests itself always as a political problem, but nowhere is its solution purely political; & finally, sovereignty is considered a fundamental national categorical (constitutional) basis for existence of a nation, but simultaneously it is always considered, affirmed, &, to some degree, determined in the international context. Adapted from the source document.

In this paper, I analyze Croatian citizenship policies in the post-communist context & argue that it is a very instructive case for understanding the citizenship conundrum that followed the end of the communist regimes in Central & Eastern Europe. Almost everywhere in post-communist Europe, & especially in the post-partition states formed after the collapse of socialist multinational federations, new citizenship legislation & administrative practices frequently resulted in creating three distinct categories of individuals: the included, the excluded, & the invited (more often than not ethnic kin abroad). I put a special focus on the transformations of the citizenship policies in Croatia & how the dynamic between the included, the excluded & the invited changed from nationalist Croatia in the 1990s to an EU-oriented Croatia in the 2000s. The analysis of Croatian citizenship policies allows me to suggest that post-Tudman Croatia can be seen as an exemplary case of ethnic democracy according to the criteria defined by Sammy Smooha. Adapted from the source document.

The author looks into the Germanic ideas of Central Europe until the end of World War One. First, he reviews different meanings of the term "Central Europe" & its omission or inclusion in encyclopedias & lexicons. Then he goes on to describe the concepts of Central Europe by German & Austrian thinkers, who define it as various ways of political, cultural, & economic organization of the Central European region. The Germanic ideas of Central Europe tried to politically link the divided German ethnos, protect it from the influence of the "decadent" West & create a bulwark towards Russia. The author concludes that the underlying base of the Germanic ideas of Central Europe is German history as a "special path" (der Sonderweg). That is why they are grounded in romanticism & the rebuttal of liberal & democratic values, ensuing from the fatuity of German bourgeoisie. These ideas were proselytized with the intention of securing for the young nation its exclusive space, Central Europe, & ensuring its place in world history. Adapted from the source document.

Autor analizira simptome krize demokracije u Europi koncentrirajući se na tri skupine simptoma: u prvom redu na simptome krize u tranzicijskim zemljama koje su ušle u članstvo Europske unije u okviru petog proširenja; jedan je od glavnih indikatora te krize slab odaziv glasača iz tranzicijskih zemalja na izbore za Europski parlament godinu dana nakon ulaska u članstvo EU-a. Razlog tog podbačaja autor vidi u razočaranosti demokracijom i tranzicijom te u formalnom udovoljenju kopenhaškim kriterijima, uslijed čega su odmah nakon ulaska u EU nove zemlje članice svoju zadaću demokratizacije smatrale dovršenom.Drugi je simptom krize negativan ishod referenduma za ratifi kaciju ugovora kojim se uspostavlja Ustav za Europu u Francuskoj i Nizozemskoj, što je pokrenulo lančanu reakciju odbacivanja osnovnih instrumenata demokratizacije EU-a koje su zemlje članice prethodno prihvatile i s kojima su se u potpunosti suglasile. Treći element krize demokracije jest demokratski defi cit u EU-u i različito viđenje načina kako da se on prevlada, jačanjem federalističkih elemenata EU-a ili interguvernmentalnih procedura. Na kraju se konstatira da u suvremenoj Europi postoje tri modela demokracije, po uzoru na Siedentopovu klasifi kaciju modela privlačnosti demokracije, i da je kriza demokracije u Europi potencijalno opasna za daljnji razvoj europskih društava jer se pobjedom nad komunizmom nije ostvario očekivani trijumf demokracije, nego je demokracija u Europi izložena nasrtajima raznih oblika političke patologije, uz deziluziju i neispunjena očekivanja. ; In this article the symptoms of the crises of democracy are analyzed. The author concentrates on three sets of symptoms: fi rst, on the symptoms emerged in transition, post-communist countries that joined the EU within the Fifth enlargement. One of the main indicators of such crises is the low turnout in the European Parliament elections in 2004, only one month after their joining the EU. The reasons for such a bad turnout are the disappointment in democracy and in transition, ...

Konstruiraju se i analiziraju modeli organizacije obavljanja dekoncentriranih poslova državne uprave na državnom teritoriju: model prenesenog djelokruga, funkcionalno fragmentirani model, personalno integrirani model i model organizacijske integracije.1 Kako bi se ispitala analitička vrijednost tih modela, teorijska analiza svakog od modela popraćena je prikazom organizacije obavljanja poslova državne uprave u postsocijalističkim zemljama koje su postale članice Europske unije proširenjima iz 2004. i 2007. čiji je teritorijalni sustav upravljanja dugo vremena karakterizirala intenzivna prisutnost (dekoncentrirane) državne uprave na teritoriju. Kako je uvjet pristupanja EU-u bilo jačanje lokalnih kapaciteta, očekuje se da će trendovi u institucionalnom razvoju organizacije obavljanja poslova državne uprave na teritoriju u tim zemljama uputiti na narav korelacije između jačanja lokalne samouprave i primijenjenog modela teritorijalne državne uprave. Zaključci se interpretiraju i u svjetlu razvoja teritorijalne državne uprave u Republici Hrvatskoj. ; The author develops models of how state administration tasks are performed within a particular state: the delegated affairs model, the functionally fragmented model, the personally integrated model, and the organisational integration model. In order to examine their analytical validity, a theoretical description of the models is accompanied by an overview of the territorial state administration in post-socialist countries that became EU members in 2004 and 2007, and which had previously been characterised by a dense network of territorial state administration. The models are differentiated by the level of integration of state bodies within the territorial unit. In the delegated affairs model, there are no state administrative bodies in the territory and administration tasks are carried out by local self-government units. This model is adopted in the Czech Republic. In the functionally fragmented model, state administration tasks are carried out by the territorial administrative units of central state bodies that operate separately in the territory. This model is adopted in Latvia and Lithuania. In the personally integrated model, the central state has its own representative in the territory (e.g. prefect, governor, voivode, or king's commissioner), who has certain powers in relation to the territorial administrative units, and thus the territorial units are more or less integrated in performing state administration tasks within the same territorial unit. This model is adopted in the majority of post-socialist countries (Bulgaria, Estonia, Poland, and Romania). In the organisational integration model, all state administration tasks are performed by a single territorial state body. This model is adopted in Hungary, Slovakia, and Slovenia. Since these countries had to develop local self-government capacities in order to become EU members, it is expected that trends in the institutional development of their territorial state administration might indicate a relationship between the growth of local capacities and the applied organisational model of territorial state administration. The conclusions are interpreted in the light of the development of territorial state administration in Croatia.

Promidžba demokracije temeljni je cilj vanjske politike EU-a, a ujedno i međunarodna dimenzija demokratizacije kao temeljnog i ključnog političkog ishoda proširenja unija na države Istočne, Srednje i Jugoistočne Europe. U svjetlu relevantnosti te tematike ovaj rad nastoji definirati pojam, doseg i primjenu promidžbe demokracije u međunarodnim odnosima, posebice prema postkomunističkim državama u posthladnoratovskom razdoblju, instrumente, ciljeve, strategije, ograničenja, evolutivni okvir promidžbe demokracije, kao i njezinu primjenu na primjeru Europske Unije, posebice u odnosu na bivše komunističke države, gdje je zamijećeno da vanjski akteri ne mogu potaknuti demokratizaciju i dovesti do stabilnih političkih poredaka ukoliko snažni unutarnji politički akteri ne budu "upravljali" elementima državnosti i modernizacije ; Democracy promotion is a crucial objective of the EU foreign policy; at the same time it is also the international dimension of democratization as a fundamental and crucial political outcome of the EU enlargement to Eastern, Central and Southeastern Europe. In light of the relevance of that topic, this paper attempts to define the concept, scope and application of democracy promotion in international relations, especially in the post-communist countries in the post-Cold War period. It will also examine instruments, objectives, strategies, constraints and evaluation framework of democracy promotion, as well as its implication on the case study of the European Union, particularly regarding former communist countries. In these cases it was observed that external actors can encourage democratization and lead to a stable political order if elements ofstatehood and state modernization are not discouragely "managed" by influential internal political actors.

The article is a critical analysis of Husserl's essay, "The Crisis of European Sciences and Transcendental Phenomenology" (1937). The author first outlines Husserl's diagnosis of the crisis of science, philosophy, & culture, followed by the elements & the mechanisms of that crisis. The root of the crisis of European science & culture lies in foregoing the genuine productive humanity. The authentic humanity cannot be based nor explained from its objectifications but solely through the analysis of its productive imagination. The author also deals with the crisis of spiritual sciences, which he claims have brought about the loss of insight into the ultimate purpose of the existence of Europe as a brainchild of the historical humanity. Adapted from the source document.

Ruski inozemni turizam poznat je na svjetskom turističkom tržištu. Izvoz turističkih usluga u Rusiju zabranjen je sankcijama za ekonomije mnogih zemalja. U današnje vrijeme prisutne su nove tendencije koje bi trebale radikalno promijeniti strukturu ruskog domaćeg turizma i utjecati na inozemni turizam. Za to postoje vanjski i unutarnji tržišni i politički razlozi. U Rusiji država potiče razvoj domaćeg turizma različitim programima i strategijom njegova razvoja. Poduzetničke aktivnosti, konkurencija, investicija u turizam i turistička infrastruktura također su u porastu. U današnjoj Rusiji vidljiva je promjena od "inozemnog turizma" prema "domaćem turizmu". Ovo posljednje donosi dodatne prihode ruskim regijama. Sadašnja ekonomska i politička situacija doprinosi tom procesu. Pad prihoda uzrokovan ekonomskom krizom prisiljava Ruse da manje putuju u inozemstvo, a raste broj putnika u domaće jeftinije destinacije. Suočena s ekonomskim sankcijama ruska državna tijela traže unutrašnje investicije i mogućnosti smanjenja troškova uvoza. Počeli su više pažnje posvećivati domaćem turizmu. Pod sloganom "supstitucija uvoza" i "protusankcije" neke restrikcije koje utječu na međunarodni turizam, preferencije prema domaćem turizmu i stimulacija potražnje elaborirane su u ovom radu. Također i restrikcije inozemnog turizma kao i zabrana stranim kompanijama da djeluju na ruskom turističkom tržištu postali su politički faktor. Pad ruskog inozemnog turizma jača konkurenciju među svojim destinacijama, a povezano je i s Republikom Hrvatskom. Broj ruskih turista u Hrvatskoj pada iz godine u godinu. S jedne strane to može imati negativan utjecaj na hrvatsko turističko tržište, a s druge strane može otvoriti nove mogućnosti za pronalaženje načina da se privuče više posjetitelja iz Hrvatske. Smatramo da to može biti u interesu Hrvatske. ; Russian outbound tourism is well noticed in the World Tourist Market. Exporting tourist services to Russia has been the boon for the economies of many countries. Nowadays new tendencies are being revealed which should radically change the structure of Russian national tourism and influence the International tourism. There are outer and inner, market and political reasons for that. In Russia the government supports the inner and inbound tourism by means of programs and the strategy of its development. Entrepreneurial activities, competition, investment in tourism and tourist infrastructure are growing as well. In nowadays Russia the shift from "The industry of outbound tourism" to "The industry of national tourism" is well seen. The latter brings additional revenues to Russian regions. Current economic and political situation is contributing to this process. The economic-crisis-related decline in incomes pushes Russians to travel abroad less and instead increases the number of travelers within the country to cheaper destinations. Facing economic sanctions Russian authorities search for inner investment and the possibilities to reduce the cost of import. They started paying more attention to inner tourism. Under the slogans of "import-substitution" and "counter-sanctions" some restrictions on outbound tourism, preferences for the national tourism industry, and stimulation of consumers' demand were elaborated in this paper. Also the outbound tourism restrictions, prohibition for some foreign companies to act on Russian tourist market became a political factor. The decline of Russian outbound tourism strengthens the competition among its destinations. It is related to Republic of Croatia. The number of Russian visitors to Croatia declines from year to year. On the one hand it may have negative influence on Croatian tourist market, on the other – it opens new possibilities to find ways to attract more visitors from Russia. We suppose that it may be in the interest of Croatia.