Suchergebnisse

Siglo XIX. - Forma parte del álbum 24 Treasure Spots of the World

El presente texto busca debatir y dar algunas puntadas sobre la necesidad de plantearnos la articulación e integración del movimiento social urbano en Medellín - Colombia. Pero para avanzar hacia esa construcción de un nuevo modelo social, político y cultural es imprescindible la constitución de lo que se conoce como el sujeto histórico del cambio que caracterizamos como pluridiverso y múltiple, latente en las organizaciones y movimientos sociales que realizan su trabajo y accionar popular en medio de las difíciles condiciones urbanas. Sin embargo, si no se comprende bien quiénes constituyen el nuevo sujeto político del cambio en Colombia y cómo se articula en un gran movimiento nacional por la paz con justicia social para el buen vivir, sería un esfuerzo inútil emprender cualquier estrategia en este propósito, más si cuando se hace referencia al sujeto histórico se entiende por éste inequívocamente a la clase obrera, concepción que prevaleció a lo largo del siglo XX y cuyo eco alcanza hoy hasta nuestros días.

Growth accelerates entropy and creates much more apocalyptic problems than the pandemic. A feasible solution, equivalent to a selective de-growth, implies promoting healthier social distancing, abolishing harmful (non-basic) sectors and increasing virtuous sectors such as the economy of caring for others and for nature. ; El crecimiento acelera la entropía y genera problemas mucho más apocalípticos que la pandemia. Una solución factible a los problemas que derivan de ello, equi­valente a un decrecimiento selectivo, implica promover un distanciamiento social más sano, eliminar los sectores nocivos (no básicos) y hacer crecer sectores virtuo­sos como la economía del cuidado mutuo y de la naturaleza.

The article is aimed at studying the evolution of the United States' strategic thought since the end of the Cold War until the present day. Its development can be divided into three different periods - the immediate post-Cold War (1989-2001), the war on terror (2001-12) and nowadays (2012-) - any of which based on a paradigm that has determined the country's strategic thought, defence policy and military posture. Regardless of those transformations aimed at anticipating to the risks or respond to the threats, the American strategic thought has maintained a great deal of continuity. Adapted from the source document.

Entiendo la posverdad como un nuevo paradigma en política, uno que va más allá de la mera mentira política y señala el declive de la autoridad simbólica de la verdad misma. En la medida en que, como afirmó Arendt, la política depende de un reconocimiento compartido de ciertas verdades fácticas, la posverdad representa una crisis de la vida política. La condición de la posverdad es una condición pospolítica. Para comprender esto a fondo, necesitamos comprender la relación paradójica entre verdad y política, afrontando una problemática que se remonta a los orígenes de las demos en la antigua Grecia: el conflicto original entre la verdad singular del filósofo y los asuntos e intereses de la polis. Aquí me basaré en dos enfoques diferentes para este problema: la discusión de Hannah Arendt sobre la relación conflictiva, pero inextricable, entre la estabilidad de la verdad y la contingencia y pluralidad de la vida política; y la exploración de Michel Foucault de la parrësia o 'discurso franco', una forma de decir la verdad que, aunque a menudo está en conflicto con la polis, también es necesaria para cualquier noción de conducta ética en la vida política. Ambos enfoques sugieren que la política tiene alguna relación esencial con la verdad, incluso si la verdad a menudo se encuentra impotente frente a la mera opinión. Sin embargo, aunque haya algunas dudas sobre la eficacia actual de afirmar los hechos contra las mentiras o 'decir la verdad ante el poder', sostengo que hay algo valioso en la idea de Foucault de decir la verdad como una forma de subjetivación ética (y también política). ; I understand post-truth as a new paradigm in politics - one that goes beyond mere political lying and spin and points to the decline of the symbolic authority of truth itself. In so far as, as Arendt claimed, politics depends on a shared acknowledgement of certain factual truths, post-truth thus represents a crisis of political life. The post-truth condition is a post-political condition. To grasp this thoroughly, we need to understand the paradoxical relationship between truth and politics, locating a problematic that goes back to the very origins of the demos in ancient Greece: the original conflict between the singular truth of the philosopher and the affairs and concerns of the polis. Here I will draw on two different approaches to this problem: Hannah Arendt's discussion of the conflicting, and yet inextricable, relationship between the stability of truth and the contingency and plurality of political life; and Michel Foucault's exploration of parrësia or 'frank speech' – a form of truth-speaking which, while often in conflict with the polis, is also necessary for any notion of ethical conduct in political life. Both approaches suggest that politics bears some essential relation to truth, even if truth often finds itself impotent in the face of mere opinion. Yet, while there is some question about the efficacy today of asserting facts against lies or 'speaking truth to power', I argue that there is something valuable in Foucault's idea of truth speaking as a form of ethical (and also political) subjectivation.

Political Science oriented knowledge necessary for the exercise of politics by citizens and political parties do not deviate from the purpose that has political practice, which is none other than the collection, conservation and exercise of political power to develop the common good, according to reasonable rules that must be adhered to and respected. Politics as the art of good government needs a science policy for the public power not the stage of the constitution of privilege and monopoly of private interests achieved and consolidated by means intolerable in a democratic culture. In other words, political science teach or be taught to know and build the means to aim at obtaining political power and that this is not used as a bounty for the benefit of some holders of political power. In addition, political science highlights how politics, even in tragic situations as international or non-international armed conflicts, it is limited by law to serve as an instrument legality of legitimacy. Strength is not the realm of politics. Reflect on all this taking advantage of the harsh reality of a non-international armed conflict in Colombia and the need to overcome it through intersubjective dialogue is the subject of this article as a whole. ; La Ciencia Política orienta los conocimientos necesarios para que el ejercicio de la política por parte de los ciudadanos y los partidos políticos no se desvíe de la finalidad que tiene la política práctica, la cual no es otra sino la obtención, conservación y ejercicio del poder político para desarrollar el bien común conforme a reglas razonables que deben ser atendidas y respetadas. La política, como el arte del buen gobierno, necesita de una ciencia de la política para que el poder público no sea el escenario de la constitución de privilegios y monopolio de los intereses privados obtenidos y consolidados mediante medios no tolerables en una cultura democrática. En otras palabras, la Ciencia Política enseña o debe enseñar a conocer y a construir los medios para orientarse a obtener el poder político y para que este no sea utilizado como un botín en beneficio de algunos detentadores del poder político. Además, la Ciencia Política destaca cómo la política, incluso en situaciones trá- gicas como los conflictos armados internacionales o no internacionales, está limitada por el Derecho para que la legalidad sirva de instrumento de legitimidad. La fuerza no es el terreno de la política. Reflexionar acerca de todo esto aprovechando la cruda realidad de un conflicto armado no internacional que existe en Colombia y de la necesidad de superarlo mediante el diálogo intersubjetivo es la materia de este artículo en su conjunto.

Populism can be defined as the post-Marxist adaptation of leftist Manicheanism. In Western Europe, this process materialized after 1989, while in Latin America populism was applied before 1989. Populism is based on: a Manichean ideology with a binary cosmology of the world; the expansion of the public expenditure with damaging effects (high inflation rates) on the economy; charismatic leaders making plebiscitary appeals to the population, with a limited role of intermediate actors (interests groups or parties) and institutions; a high mobilization process from above leading to a movimientismo of the lower sectors of the population. The four cases of orthodox macro-economic populism were: Peron in Argentina, Allende in Chile, Garcia in Peru, and Chavez/Maduro in Venezuela. In partial populism, there is plebiscitarianism, but the increase of the public expenditure and of the inflation rate remains under control (Syriza, Movimento 5 Stelle, Correa, Morales, and Cristina Kirchner). Orthodox populism has always had negative consequences in politics, leading to authoritarian regimes, increased conflict and military coups; instead, partial populism has never endangered democracy and is usually coupled with hybrid/illiberal regimes. The political cultures of the right are not populist, because there is not the increase of public expenditure, but there is plebiscitarianism. ; Antes de definir el populismo, es importante identificar las principales culturas políticas en las democracias contemporáneas occidentales. Las culturas políticas pueden definirse como conjuntos coherentes de ideologías, que están "un tanto" (es decir, de una manera diferente) vinculadas a la promoción de ciertos intereses. La forma concreta en que se vinculan las ideas y los intereses depende de la cultura política particular y no puede seleccionarse de manera abstracta para todos ellos (ver más abajo). ¿Cuáles son las principales culturas políticas occidentales contemporáneas? Hay dos enfoques para responder esta pregunta. El enfoque de los divisores es elaborar una clasificación (o tipología) de las ideologías de los partidos. La lista será larga, porque estos instrumentos analíticos deben ser exhaustivos. En cambio, el enfoque de los lumpers es el de idear modelos, es decir, los tipos ideales de Weber; la lista será mucho más corta, porque esas categorías no son exhaustivas e identifican solo aquellos comportamientos que obedecen a condiciones de simplicidad y coherencia. Los modelos se han utilizado con mayor frecuencia en la fase "moderna" de las ciencias humanas (1950 y 1960), y fueron aplicados especialmente por la escuela italiana de ciencias políticas.

RADIATUS3 (elastic infrastructure for Big Data analysis in the cloud) is a project funded by the Valencian Institute for Business Competitiveness (IVACE) and the European Union through the European Regional Development Fund (FEDER). The objectives of the project are the creation of a prototype of distributed architecture for the commissioning of machine learning and deep learning services, as well as the design and development of an orchestrator of distributed services for Big Data analysis in an ECloud environment. This document corresponds to a poster of the project as one of the dissemination activities. ; RADIATUS3. Project funded by the Valencian Institute of Business Competitiveness (IVACE) and European Union through the European Regional Development Fund (ERDF), within the public grant program adressed to Technological Institutes of the Valencian Community for the development of non-economic R&D projects carried out in cooperation with companies during 2019 with 246.070,40€. File number: IMDEEA/2019/77

En las siguientes líneas se intentara sustentar el por qué se hace central para la praxis pedagógica y política crítica, la recuperación de la vida, vivida como el principal campo de disputa o contienda con los cantos de sirena de los poderes hegemónicos. Y es que en el marco de la acción y el pensamiento contra hegemónico, se hace fundamental interrogarse por el tipo de subjetividades que configuramos, habitamos, reconocemos y defendemos en nuestras vidas cotidianas. Es en este escenario de la micropolítica, donde la molecularidad de las hegemonías hace su aparición, dejando en nosotros, algunas veces de forma inconsciente y otras de manera consciente, el legado de su hegemonía, su colonización a nuestros mundos de la vida. Dejando como reto el recuperar al sujeto social y político.

Si el siglo XX fue llamado con justicia el "siglo del giro lingüístico" -por las importantes aportaciones de la semiótica, el estructuralismo, la filosofía analítica y la deconstrucción-, es perceptible que el siglo XXI se orienta hacia una reversión de esa tendencia y busca nuevos fundamentos en lo social, lo político y lo metafísico. El teatro argentino de los últimos quince años ha dado señales de esta evolución, Entre los creadores responsables de ese cambio sobresale Rafael Spregelburd (Buenos Aires, 1970), quien ha concretado una producción dramatúrgica amplia –casi treinta títulos- y brillante, cuya escritura revela el manejo de diversos saberes teatrales. If the XX Century was rightfully called the "century of the linguistic turn" – due to the important contributions of semiotics, structuralism, analytic philosophy and deconstruction – it is noticeable that the XXI Century is oriented toward a reversion of that trend and searches for new sociological, political and metaphysical foundations. In the last fifteen years, Argentine theatre has shown signs of this evolution. Outstanding among the creative talents responsible for that change is Rafael Spregelburd (Buenos Aires, 1970), who has produced an ample and brilliant wealth of playwriting – nearly thirty titles – whose writing reveals the mastery of diverse theatrical "knowledges".

TALENT3 (Research in automated inspection for quality control in the manufacturing industry) is a project funded by the Valencian Institute for Business Competitiveness (IVACE) and the European Union through the European Regional Development Fund (FEDER). The general objective of this project is to advance in the design, implementation and industrialization of contact-free and occlusions-free automated inspection systems, introducing Machine Learning techniques. This will enable companies of the Valencia Region to increase product quality guarantees and thus strengthen their market position. This document corresponds to a poster of the project as one of the dissemination activities. ; TALENT. Project funded by the Valencian Institute of Business Competitiveness (IVACE) and European Union through the European Regional Development Fund (ERDF), within the public grant program adressed to Technological Institutes of the Valencian Community for the development of non-economic R&D projects carried out in cooperation with companies during 2019 with 229.592,30€. File number: IMDEEA/2019/86.

Radiatus 2 (Elastic Infrastructure for BigData Analysis in the Cloud) is a project funded by the Valencian Institute for Business Competitiveness (IVACE) and the European Union through the European Regional Development Fund (ERDF). The general objective of the project is to lay the foundations of knowledge that will facilitate the use of Big Data Analytics cloud solutions, allowing users to obtain knowledge from data generated and collected, without worrying about the necessary infrastructure. This document corresponds to a poster of the project as one of the dissemination activities. ; RADIATUS II. Project funded by the Valencian Institute of Business Competitiveness (IVACE) and European Union through the European Regional Development Fund (ERDF), within the public grant program adressed to Technological Institutes of the Valencian Community for the development of non-economic R&D projects carried out in cooperation with companies during 2018 with 200.000€. File number: IMDEEA/2018/94

BIGSALUD (Big Data and Artificial Intelligence for health system optimization) is a project funded by the Valencian Institute for Business Competitiveness (IVACE) and the European Union through the European Regional Development Fund (FEDER). The general objective of the project is to advance in the optimization of disease management through research in software techniques based on Machine Learning with the purpose of helping the clinical staff in the decision-making process, making possible a better diseases diagnosis and prognosis, and a more personalized and effective treatment of patients. This document corresponds to a poster of the project as one of the dissemination activities. ; BIGSALUD. Project funded by the Valencian Institute of Business Competitiveness (IVACE) and European Union through the European Regional Development Fund (ERDF), within the public grant program adressed to Technological Institutes of the Valencian Community for the development of non-economic R&D projects carried out in cooperation with companies during 2019 with 151.777,90€. File number: IMDEEA/2019/92

DELTA is a project funded by the Valencian Institute for Business Competitiveness (IVACE) and the European Union through the European Regional Development Fund (FEDER). DELTA project is aimed at bringing companies closer to the use of different disruptive technologies such as Blockchain / Distributed Ledger Technologies (DLT). To achieve its goal, DELTA will provide: A software tool for automating the deployment of DLT networks, regardless of the number of required nodes, or the process of joining an existing network. A modular mechanism that allows the synchronization of DLTs with databases. The goal of this mechanism is to ease and improve the way data is retrieved from a DLT ledger. An accountability tool for shared environments for the exchange of services that brings in some of the most important characteristics of blockchain/DLTs: facilitating auditing and accountability by each participant, use of tokens, etc. This document corresponds to a poster of the project as one of the dissemination activities. ; DELTA. Project funded by the Valencian Institute of Business Competitiveness (IVACE) and European Union through the European Regional Development Fund (ERDF), within the public grant program adressed to Technological Institutes of the Valencian Community for the development of non-economic R&D projects carried out in cooperation with companies during 2021 with 237.682,21€. File number: IMDEEA/2020/73