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After the cold war, when the Eastern block collapsed, considerable changes were made in the world security architecture. Althought it seemed like a beginning of more certain and secure era, cold war ending didn't fulfill expectations neither the main actors in the cold war conflict, nor the expectations of the rest of the world. Besides, collapse of one block, didn't stop growth dynamic of new power centers. Tendencies for power are not new and unfamiliar to human. When bypolar system collapsed, other subjects started fighting for the positions. PRC role with her enormous people potential, growing economy and strengthened military is evident. Soviet Union, accordingly Russian Federation, believed that there was no more need for strenghtening the other block, especially when the opposite doesn't exist. But, former partners included the opposite side, and that made more tensions between Russia and United States. Rest of the world didn't get better chance to create own future. On the contrary, especially for the peripheral and semiperipheral countries, new threats appeared that destabilized individual and collective security. Efforts to make human community rational, were always idealism and those efforts were considered utopian, but under the given circumstances, for the international stability, the most accseptable model is model of global triangle - China, Russia, USA. Reason why this three countries is ther specific potention: USA is powerful technological, military and political center, RF is worlds warehouse' and China is the worlds manufacture. In the globalism domination over nationalism era that model could be the optimal 'braking and balance' system in the international relations- political ideal that all liberal schools wanted to acchievestarting Lock, Montesquieu, Rousseau till today.

Autori ovog rada nude pregled i analizu uspona i pada međunarodnog liberalnog‎ poretka koji je nastao nakon okončanja Hladnog rata i uspona moći Sjedinjenih‎ Američkih Država. Spoljnopolitička agenda jedine posthladnoratovske‎ supersile vođena je idejom stvaranja globalnog poretka utemeljenog na ideologiji‎ (globalnog) liberalizma koja u sebi inkorporira teorije liberalnog mira,‎ demokratskog mira i neoliberalnog institucionalizma. Uspostavljanje tzv. globalnog‎ liberalnog poretka dosada je bilo praćeno brojnim političkim, socijalnim,‎ ekonomskim i bezbednosnim krizama, a trenutnu eru međunarodnih odnosa‎ odlikuju uspon relativne moći "neliberalnih" globalnih aktera, pre svega‎ Kine i Rusije, kao glavnih izazivača svetske dominacije Sjedinjenih Američkih‎ Država, te geopolitički revizionizam i ideološka konfrontacija liberalnih i‎ antiliberalnih snaga širom sveta. Autori ovog rada koriste specifičan analitički‎ metod tzv. dijalektike političke mehanike, koji se oslanja na učenja Friedricha‎ Hegela o dijalektici istorije i Carla Schmitta o fenomenu političkog, kako bi‎ objasnili trenutnu dinamiku međunarodnih odnosa, pokazujući da političko‎ polje "permanentno pulsira" što, u svemu što je društveno i političko, nužno‎ kreira akciju i reakciju, čijom dinamikom se mogu tumačiti i globalna zbivanja‎ kojima upravo prisustvujemo.‎ ; The authors of this paper offer an overview and analysis of the rise and fall of‎ the liberal international order that emerged after the end of the Cold War and‎ along with the rising power of the United States. The foreign policy agenda‎ of the post-Cold War sole superpower was guided by the idea of creating a‎ global order based on the ideology of liberalism, which incorporates theories‎ of liberal peace, democratic peace and neoliberal institutionalism. The establishment‎ of a liberal order has been accompanied by numerous political, social,‎ economic and security crises. The current era is characterized by the rise‎ of the relative power of global actors, primarily China and Russia, as the main‎ challengers to the world domination of the United States, geopolitical revisionism‎ and ideological struggle around the world. The authors of this paper‎ use the dialectic of political mechanics as a method that relies on the teachings‎ of Friedrich Hegel on the dialectic of history and Carl Schmitt on the‎ phenomenon of the political. The authors advocate the view that the political‎ field "permanently pulsates", which, in everything that is social and political,‎ necessarily creates action and reaction.‎

The author analyzes the process of the NATO expansion in Europe following the collapse of the Berlin Wall and the dissolution of the Warsaw Pact. Paradoxically, after the end of the cold war, the security conditions in Europe have not improved. On the contrary, the danger of military conflicts has increased. That is why most former communist countries, including the newly created states which emerged after the disintegration of Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union, have been trying to eliminate this danger and strengthen their security by joining NATO. The Russian Federation is the main opponent of the NATO expansion in Eastern Europe, particularly on the states which came into being after the collapse of the Soviet Union. The author describes in detail the geostrategical and geopolitical implications of the admittance of the first group of Eastern-European countries into the NATO (Poland, Czech Republic and Romania), as well as the prospects of the NATO expansion onto the other countries in the region. He sees the American initiative for the cooperation in Southeastern Europe as a complement to the process of the NATO expansion. In the end he criticizes NATO's process of selection of new members, the process which has left Croatia (for the time being) in a sort of a geostrategical void. (SOI : PM: S. 118)

In this paper it had been started from the question what was in diachronic included in the term Middle Europe, and why it was impossible to define it precisely in any sense. 'New Middle European Concept', actual in the 80s of the previous century, had also political background, but in his creation Middle European intellectuals had part in it, and it meant the fight for cultural unity of Middle European, for the recognition of their European identity. One of the first, and the most important supporter of this concept from Yugoslav area is Danilo Kish in whose literary oeuvre this virtual space is additionally mythologized. The research attention was directed to Kish's essay 'Variations on Middle European Themes', in which he had elaborated in a concise manner his comprehension of Middle Europe, Middle European culture, Middle European writer, and numerous interviews in which he had thoroughly been elaborating these attitudes. There the writer expresses his comprehension of fascism, and Stalinism, Ahasuerus, and Judaism as 'family happiness', nationalism of small peoples, inferiorities of their 'barbarian languages', and attitudes on ironic lyrisms, 'consciousness on form', and stateless people as basic poetic features of Middle European writers. Due to all mentioned, and some universal truths on the mentioned symbolic tops, this essay is rightfully considered as one of Kish's most important self-poetic texts.

Local self-government units are key cells of every country's development, pervading deeply needs and interests of local community members, the citizens of a state, who are considered to be the key factor in survival and development of a community. No successful democratic society can be achieved without a good and effi cient local self-government. For that reason, a special attention needs to be brought to the issue of local self-government units. In Bosnia and Herzegovina, there is a fragmented system of local self-governmentmunits at entity level, with a very low degree of mutual cooperation, which greatly complicates and hinders the functioning of local self-government units at the state level. There is no unity in regulation and compliance of local self-government units functioning, at the state level, with the European Charter of Local Self-Government, or the documents of the Council of Europe, which is at odds with the aspirations of our country in the process of Euro-Atlantic integration with the rest of Europe.

radu se analiziraju vrednosne orijentacije studenata. U istraživanju u kome su učestvovali studenti (N=635) Univerziteta u Rijeci primenjena je anketa. Glavna teza teorije modernizacije jeste da se promene u socioekonomskoj sferi društva reflektiraju na njegov sistem vrednosti. Zato u savremenim društvima slabe tradicionalne a jačaju moderne i postmoderne vrednosti. Specifičnost bivših socijalističkih društava odnosi se na to da je u njima, nakon protivrečnog procesa polumodernizacije, došlo do intenzivnog procesa retradicionalizacije. Tranzicija mlade generacije u odraslo doba događa se u konkretnom društvenom kontekstu za koji je karakterističan "sukob" suprotstavljenih vrednosti. Stoga je važno ispitati koje društvene vrednosti mladi prihvataju. Najpre se to odnosi na studentsku populaciju, s obzirom na to da je to resurs iz kog će se u budućnosti regrutovati društvena elita. U radu se problematizuju sledeća pitanja: U kojoj meri suprotstavljeni procesi modernizacije i retradicionalizacije društva ostavljaju traga na vrednosne orijentacije studenata? U kojoj meri se stavovi studenata razlikuju s obzirom na socijalne karakteristike njihovih porodica? Statistička obrada je obuhvatila univarijatnu, bivarijatnu i multivarijatnu analizu. Rezultati pokazuju da većina studenata prihvata postmoderne vrednosti (multikulturnost), a vrlo malo njih prihvata tradicionalne vrednosti (klerikalizam i etnocentrizam). Utvrđena je veza između tradicionalnih vrednosnih orijentacija i konzervativnih porodičnih obrazaca. S tim u vezi je zaključak da su rezultati u saglasnosti sa hipotezom o liberalizujućem efektu obrazovanja. ; This paper analyses the students' value orientations based on the survey conducted at the University of Rijeka (N=635). The main thesis of the theory of modernization is that changes in the socioeconomic sphere of society generate changes in its predominant value system. Therefore, in the modern societies, the weakening of the traditional and the strengthening of modern and postmodern values can be observed. This was particularly noticeable in the ex-socialist societies whose social and political transitions were generally followed by the process of intensive retraditionalization. The transition of younger generation to adulthood is taking place in the specific context of the postsocialist and post-war transformation of a society, which is characterized by the "clash" of opposing social values. Therefore, it is important to explore which social values are embraced by the young people. This is particularly important in the context of student population, because many of them will become representatives of the future social elites. The paper seeks to address the following questions: To what extent the opposing processes of modernization and re-radicalization of post-socialist societies effects students' expectance of different value orientations? To what extent different family backgrounds effect students' adoption of traditional, modern or postmodern values? Data analysis was carried out through univariate, bivariate and multivariate statistical procedures. The results of our research show that students chiefly support the postmodern values (multiculturalism) and chiefly do not support the traditional values (clericalism and ethnocentrism). Furthermore, the analysis has established a link between students' orientation to traditional values and existence of conservative patterns in their family background. The findings of our research support the main hypothesis of the theory of liberalizing effect of education. ; Zbornik rezimea / 24. Međunarodna naučna konferencija "Pedagoška istraživanja i školska praksa

The financial crisis has adversely affected all the countries of the world in the conditions of globalization with different intensity, no matter if it is higher or lower level of development and different economic structures. In the context of globalization in the countries in transition, the banking system was reformed, thus creating a new financial market. The International Monetary Fund has taken an active part in the transition process of Eastern European countries by providing advice and approving financial arrangements. Developed countries of the world have implemented measures of non-standard monetary policy to overcome the global financial crisis. In some parts of Central and Eastern Europe, in addition to the general corporate identity (bank name, abbreviated name, trademark and slogan of the bank), the countries also applied qualitative features of the bank's corporate identity (image, reputation and goodwill). As they enter the 21st century, banks in developed countries are increasingly emphasizing the corporate culture and style of business of the bank. In the practice of banks, the following performances are most often present: financial, marketing, performance management, employee performance, business philosophy, reputation and the image of the bank. The banks' performance analysis included 13 Central and Eastern European countries divided into three groups. Performance over the period 2008-2018 is analyzed, related to: share of total assets in GDP, share of total loans in GDP, share of total deposit in GDP and level of capital adequacy of Central and Eastern European countries. The analysis shows that the central banks of the countries of Central Europe are dominant, and that in certain performances they are approached by the banks of the countries of Eastern Europe (members of the European Union and the Western Balkans). ; Finansijska kriza je negativno uticala na sve zemlje sveta u uslovima globalizacije sa različitim intezitetom, bez razlike da li se radi o višem ili nižem nivou razvijenosti i različitim privrednim strukturama. U uslovima globalizacije u zemljama u tranziciji izvršena je reforma bankarskog sistema i na taj način je započeto stvaranje novog finansijskog tržišta. Međunarodni monetarni fond uzeo je aktivno učešće u procesu tranzicije zemalja istočne Evrope pružanjem saveta i odobravanjem finansijskih aranžmana. Razvijene zemlje sveta su radi prevazilaženja svetske finansijske krize primenile mere nestandardne monetarne politike.Zemlje centralne i istočne Evrope su u određenom delu pored opšteg korporativnog identiteta (naziv banke, skraćenog imena, zaštitnog znaka i slogana banke) primenjivale i kvalitativna obeležja korporativnog identiteta (imidž, reputacije i gudvila) banke. Ulaskom u 21. vek banke razvijenih zemalja sve više stavljaju naglasak na korporativnu kulturu i stil poslovanja banke. U praksi banaka najčešće su prisutne sledeće performanse: finansijske, marketing, menadžment performanse, performanse zaposlenih, poslovne filozofije, ugleda, reputacije i imidža banke. Analiza performansi banaka obuhvatila je 13 zemalja centralne i istočne Evrope podeljenih u tri grupe. Analizirane su performanse u vremenskom periodu od 2008-2018. godine koje se odnose na: učešće ukupne aktive u BDP-u, učešće ukupnih kredita u BDP-u, učešće ukupnog depozita u BDP-u i nivo adekvatnosti kapitala zemalja centralne i istočne Evrope. Analiza pokazuje da su dominantne banke zemalja centralne Evrope, a da se njima u određenim performansama približavaju banke zemalja istočne Evrope (članice Evropske Unije i zapadnog Balkana).

The issue of security in the new social and political context has not stopped attracting the attention of strategic security studies, this time with the emphasis on contemporary concepts in response to non-military security issues, such as demographic changes or environmental degradation. It is obvious that we live in a world of fundamental political and economic changes in relations between states and non-state actors. Instability, military threats and conflicts are back in the focus of security policy, although in a completely new way that requires new understanding and a new attitude towards these categories, as well as a new response from the state and especially from the international community towards these kinds of threats or the use of force in a post-Cold-War order. In order to create a system in which all countries can function under the same rules, act in accordance with them and react in certain situations in compliance with those rules, it was necessary to create a single system of collective security. This system is a good basis for all countries to react according to the same rules and standards in certain situations when their safety is compromised. Integration processes and collective security are constants of a modern society and every country seeks to become a part of a specific system, whether it be a security-based, political or economic framework of integration. The main factor that was very important for the member states of NATO was the disappearance of the key danger coming from the East in the form of the Soviet Union and the Warsaw Pact. On the other hand, the issue of NATO's existence and future arose, as did the issue of justifying its existence, bearing in mind the absence of threats and enemies that might jeopardize the Western world. Academia and a number of scholars believed that NATO would cease to exist. For them the existence of such an alliance no longer made any sense, and they thought that it would be best for all the member states to stop being a part of such an Alliance. vi By the Declaration of Independence adopted by Parliament on June 3, 2006, Montenegro clearly committed itself to Euro-Atlantic Integration. Montenegro's membership of NATO and the EU is one of the foreign policy priorities of the Government of Montenegro. At a time when all South-East European countries are included in the Euro-Atlantic integration process, Montenegro's commitment to becoming a part of the regional and international security system (UN, NATO, EU, and OSCE) is a realistic and the best solution for achieving long-lasting stability and prosperity in the region. Montenegro's strategic goal is to build a modern and functional security system that has the ability to respond in the most efficient manner to the challenges, risks and threats to the state. For every country, the Constitution is the basis of its future path towards the democratization of the society and membership of international organizations. As the supreme law of the country, it is necessary to include all the standards that will clearly indicate the commitment of the state to the direction it wants to go, how it will develop, and which principles related to human rights and freedoms it must have. The Constitution of Montenegro does not question in any of its parts Montenegro's commitment towards membership of NATO and the EU. This is very important not only from a constitutional point of view, but also from the point of view of the international standards and norms that apply in other countries and represent the democratic standards of developed countries. Also, in this way Montenegro as a country demonstrates that despite any possible change of government it will remain committed to the European and Euro-Atlantic integration processes. At this moment, this determination is very important, bearing in mind all other aspects that could potentially affect Montenegro's path towards the Euro-Atlantic family. Consideration of the changing security environment in Europe and worldwide, as well as the improvement of the security situation by a number of Eastern European countries entering the EU and NATO, which inter alia required a reform of their defense systems in accordance with NATO standards, raises the issue of the future use of the defense capacities of Montenegro. ; The issue of security in the new social and political context has not stopped attracting the attention of strategic security studies, this time with the emphasis on contemporary concepts in response to non-military security issues, such as demographic changes or environmental degradation. It is obvious that we live in a world of fundamental political and economic changes in relations between states and non-state actors. Instability, military threats and conflicts are back in the focus of security policy, although in a completely new way that requires new understanding and a new attitude towards these categories, as well as a new response from the state and especially from the international community towards these kinds of threats or the use of force in a post-Cold-War order. In order to create a system in which all countries can function under the same rules, act in accordance with them and react in certain situations in compliance with those rules, it was necessary to create a single system of collective security. This system is a good basis for all countries to react according to the same rules and standards in certain situations when their safety is compromised. Integration processes and collective security are constants of a modern society and every country seeks to become a part of a specific system, whether it be a security-based, political or economic framework of integration. The main factor that was very important for the member states of NATO was the disappearance of the key danger coming from the East in the form of the Soviet Union and the Warsaw Pact. On the other hand, the issue of NATO's existence and future arose, as did the issue of justifying its existence, bearing in mind the absence of threats and enemies that might jeopardize the Western world. Academia and a number of scholars believed that NATO would cease to exist. For them the existence of such an alliance no longer made any sense, and they thought that it would be best for all the member states to stop being a part of such an Alliance. vi By the Declaration of Independence adopted by Parliament on June 3, 2006, Montenegro clearly committed itself to Euro-Atlantic Integration. Montenegro's membership of NATO and the EU is one of the foreign policy priorities of the Government of Montenegro. At a time when all South-East European countries are included in the Euro-Atlantic integration process, Montenegro's commitment to becoming a part of the regional and international security system (UN, NATO, EU, and OSCE) is a realistic and the best solution for achieving long-lasting stability and prosperity in the region. Montenegro's strategic goal is to build a modern and functional security system that has the ability to respond in the most efficient manner to the challenges, risks and threats to the state. For every country, the Constitution is the basis of its future path towards the democratization of the society and membership of international organizations. As the supreme law of the country, it is necessary to include all the standards that will clearly indicate the commitment of the state to the direction it wants to go, how it will develop, and which principles related to human rights and freedoms it must have. The Constitution of Montenegro does not question in any of its parts Montenegro's commitment towards membership of NATO and the EU. This is very important not only from a constitutional point of view, but also from the point of view of the international standards and norms that apply in other countries and represent the democratic standards of developed countries. Also, in this way Montenegro as a country demonstrates that despite any possible change of government it will remain committed to the European and Euro-Atlantic integration processes. At this moment, this determination is very important, bearing in mind all other aspects that could potentially affect Montenegro's path towards the Euro-Atlantic family. Consideration of the changing security environment in Europe and worldwide, as well as the improvement of the security situation by a number of Eastern European countries entering the EU and NATO, which inter alia required a reform of their defense systems in accordance with NATO standards, raises the issue of the future use of the defense capacities of Montenegro.

A few years after the collapse of communist regimes, it is evident that the confidence about the ultimate triumph of liberal democracy was premature. This waking up to the reality is not only the consequence of the hardships in the transformation of post-communist societies, but of the intellectual scepticism regarding the normative potential of liberal democracy in the developed western societies. The problem might in most general terms be formulated as the incapacity of liberal democracy to generate and reproduce the normative requirements for its own survival. The author thinks that the solution to this paradox can nevertheless be found within the institutional framework of liberal democracy: if the traditional moral concepts on which liberal democracy was founded in the past are worn out indeed, and no civil- religious substitute for that tradition has emerged as yet, then its only possibility is to create its own, modern or post-modern, morality by means of the public discourse mechanism and the political participation of citizens. The normative dimension of liberalism must not be reduced to the theory of private ownership, market and competition, but be envisaged as a constitutional theory of human rights and restricted government and the egalitarian distribution of goods and opportunities. (SOI : PM: S. 30)