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This research theorizes an ongoing, global, grand trend of geopolitical disintegration, in the Post-Cold War, and increasingly in post-1989 time. The proposed paradigm may be useful to analyze redistribution of internal power within every state, from developed old Western powers, to new developed powers as China and India, well beyond the dissolved former real-socialist countries and the so-called failing states. The focus is on not empirical description of each local request of more autonomy, self-government, or even independence, but on the reached limits of the centuries-long and planet-wide integration process, from which the modern states and contemporary world have arisen, and that has now left room to a time of disintegration. This insight draws on a wide range of positions and contributions from International Relations theorists, along with other political scientists and scholars of geopolitics, anthropologists and sociologists, political geographers and economists, historians of colonialism and nationalism, experts of secession, critics of globalization and postmodern intellectuals, federalists and anarchists. * The first of the three parts of this study, is dedicated to an historical insight about the geopolitical integration process that had westernized and globalized the entire world. War, the state and expansionism, were not an inevitable destiny. Instead, a very small group of modern states, in competition and imitation amongst themselves, started a particularly steady conquering march on the planet. Their power expanded in intensity and extension for centuries and, with and because of the Industrial Revolution, culminated in totalitarian states and in total wars. * * The second part treats the social and national movements that have led to the end, in 1989, of the bipolar paramountcy of the two industrial superpowers, United States and Soviet Union. Along with the dissolution of blocs and states, a steady decreasing of states wars, crimes and violences, is registered and explained in the study. A slippery use of the word and concept of nationalism, particularly in post-1989 geopolitical crises, is frontally attacked in this part, drawing from early works of Ernest Gellner and Tom Nairn. Under the umbrella term of nationalism, integrationist projects and their victims, colonizers and colonized, oppressors and resistants, are likely to be confused. An early intuition of Karl Deutsch about the social awareness and mobilization of people in post-totalitarian, post-industrial and post-colonial societies, is here crossed with the work about coercion, capital, inclusion and consent of Charles Tilly. Masses, once enslaved in industrialized obedience, have evolved in networks of active citizens – and netizens – able, in a less violent international system, to claim for more personal liberties but also, as communities, for social, economical, and geopolitical change. A theoretical conjecture is also presented in this second part: in the Post-Cold War, no old or new powers will be able to keep enough concentration of power, in order to compete for world domination. We have entered a permissive state of disintegration. Redistribution of power from center to peripheries, empowerment of federal units, multiplication of small states, may occur, from now on, because there is nobody and nothing capable of preventing it. From this geopolitical point of view, the 1989 is at the very beginning. While sharing certain premises of a well-known thoughtful article by Alexander Wendt, on the inevitability of a world state (2003), this work reaches a different conclusion. * * * In the third and last part, the scope and the nature of the break in the sameness of international life is explored, with normative purposes. History is not repeating, and integration prejudices along with integrationist projects should be overcome. Every state may substantially devolve powers to its internal authorities, or even breakup, and many new smaller states, or self-governing units within states, might come out. In this increasing number of polities, an overwhelming number of citizens may go well beyond electoral democracy and have direct access to power. They may coalesce around what Brian Ferguson defined an «identerest» complex: constructed identities and tangible interests, inextricably intertwined. Citizens and netizens demanding power on their own territories and disintegration of their states, are required to take care of citizenry's duties, not only citizenship's rights. A model of responsible, moderate, pragmatic, «princely citizenry», echoing Machiavelli and Gramsci, is here proposed. -|- Acquisitions of this study are bluntly offered as a contribution to political action in a time of geopolitical change, in which it would be important to rely on expertise, but also on compassion, and on a real interest in the historical and geographical, spiritual and material pathways that each local, concrete human community is pursuing. Western-led state-building hubris, for instance, should be put aside in Afghanistan and many other corners of the world, it is recommend by this study. In favor of bottom-up cantonization, for example, an ancient Swiss wisdom which would deserve more consideration in a changing world. While burdened by the contradictions of modernity and menaced by recurrent economical and ecological crises, local princely citizenries, demanding sovereignty in their place of dwelling, are probably the main and the best possible challengers to the status quo. Concentrating on their territory and population, they may change their everyday reality, overcoming political corruption, bureaucratic impotence, economical inequality, ecological destruction. It may reveal be easier to scale down, rather than tear down, the pyramids of oppression. Leopold Kohr, Ivan Illich and don Lorenzo Milani's prophecies of justice and peace in geopolitical smallness, may become inspiring visions, in a time of disintegration.

Through a reinterpretation of the concept of intercampo considering digital transformation, the contribution highlights the presence of opportunities, in this changing period, in particular with respect to political education. In modern society, increasingly neural and interactive, the school struggles to consider the active role of digital technology. In digital prospective, the pandemic situation has increased the difficulties, putting forward the actions to the reflections. The school today needs a digital citizenship education set in the concreteness of humanity and attention to the public good, capable of giving life to social processes of fraternity and justice for all that define a modern political charity (Enciclica Fratelli Tutti, 2020). The aim for the pedagogy is to inhabit the gap, directing the education of digital citizen considering at the same time the relational dynamics in the classroom and the value of online experiences, according to a principle of recognition and constructive interchange. ; Il contributo, attraverso una rilettura del concetto di intercampo alla luce della digital transformation, sottolinea le opportunità insite nello spazio di cambiamento in corso, in particolare rispetto all'educazione alla politica. Nella società moderna, sempre più neurale e interattiva, la scuola sembra faticare nel considerare il ruolo attivo delle tecnologie e l'emergenza pandemica ha reso questo ancor più difficile, anticipando forzatamente le azioni alle riflessioni. La scuola necessita oggi di un'educazione alla cittadinanza digitale incastonata nella concretezza di un vissuto di umanità e attenzione al bene comune, capace di dare vita a processi sociali di fraternità e giustizia che definiscono una moderna carità politica (Enciclica Fratelli Tutti, 2020). La pedagogia ha il compito di abitare l'intercampo, orientando la formazione del cittadino digitale considerando simultaneamente le dinamiche relazionali in aula e la valenza delle esperienze di vita online, secondo un principio di riconoscimento ...

The Italian political unification is a process starting in 1861. The next ten years, until the freeing of Rome, are a period of strong changes because the the new nation starts by heavier backwardness conditions compared to other European nations.The basic conditionings that bound the new nation are summarized in some causes: an underdeveloped economic system where there are areas of industrial development; a significant shortage of mineral and energy resources; and an urban structure that is still that of the sixteenth century, the last brightness period of the Italian cities. The same internal communication system is composed of a basic road network which is still one of Roman origin and of isolated sections of rail network, with few links among the pre-unity nations.Particular attention should be paid on the impact of the economic processes on the cities: they have a strong impact on European cities since the early nineteenth century, but their impact on Italian cities (beginning from the main northern cities, Milan and Turin) is more limited, if compared with the transformations concerning other continental cities.The unification starting from 1861 imposes additional critical elements, because the Italian urban structure is not ready to the event, particularly for the choice of the capital city. A city that can rightfully define itself as capital exists, and it is Turin; but it is peripheral to the rest of the Italian territory. Furthermore there is an in pectore capital city, Rome, that is the symbolic centre of the Italian history. But the city has to wait another ten years to join to the rest of Italy. The solution is to temporarily move the capitol to Florence, even if nobody explicitly says it to Florentines! The step from Turin to Florence, and from Florence to Rome sets in motion a complex organizational mechanism and a significant money's amount, invested in the effort to bring the two cities to the new role.Before Florence, then Rome (two cities that represent a fundamental part of artistic and cultural national heritage) see the opportunity to modernize their urban structure. Urban plans are also formed for this purpose, although the instruments are deficient in relation to their technical capacity and the public administrations have low authority in the driving of the transformations. Instead, private investors and national and international banks will have open hand, facilitated from the new liberal State that will not hinder the freedom of action of private capitals.The paper want to identify the major changes occurred in the three capital cities (Turin, Florence, and Rome) investigating the urban processes and the main events in the period from 1861 to 1900. The unification acts on the three cities in different ways. In 1861 they are very different from each other, with a single similar factor, the number of inhabitants (about 150,000 each). The process of building of the new nation acts on the cities changing even more their characters and extending their differences. ; La costruzione dello stato unitario, avvenuta nell'arco di un decennio (1861-1871) portò alla necessità di spostare la capitale del Regno in un percorso di avvicinamento a Roma. Da Torino la capitale fu prima spostata a Firenze (1865), poi nel suo luogo naturale, Roma (1871). Gli spostamenti non comportarono solo conseguenze di ordine politico. Esse portarono anche alla necessità di intervenire sulla struttura urbana delle città per renderle capaci di accogliere la nuova funzione. Sia Torino che Firenze che, in misura maggiore, Roma, subirono rilevanti trasformazioni urbane, nel solco dei processi trasformativi che interessarono le città Ottocentesche d'Europa.Obiettivo dell'articolo è:- analizzare i caratteri urbanistici delle città al 1861;- individuare le trasformazioni riconducibili al loro status di capitale;- definire gli impatti di tali azioni fino ai giorni nostri- individuare gli influssi causati dall'evoluzione delle infrastrutture di trasporto sulla struttura urbana.

The Italian political unification is a process starting in 1861. The next ten years, until the freeing of Rome, are a period of strong changes because the the new nation starts by heavier backwardness conditions compared to other European nations.The basic conditionings that bound the new nation are summarized in some causes: an underdeveloped economic system where there are areas of industrial development; a significant shortage of mineral and energy resources; and an urban structure that is still that of the sixteenth century, the last brightness period of the Italian cities. The same internal communication system is composed of a basic road network which is still one of Roman origin and of isolated sections of rail network, with few links among the pre-unity nations.Particular attention should be paid on the impact of the economic processes on the cities: they have a strong impact on European cities since the early nineteenth century, but their impact on Italian cities (beginning from the main northern cities, Milan and Turin) is more limited, if compared with the transformations concerning other continental cities.The unification starting from 1861 imposes additional critical elements, because the Italian urban structure is not ready to the event, particularly for the choice of the capital city. A city that can rightfully define itself as capital exists, and it is Turin; but it is peripheral to the rest of the Italian territory. Furthermore there is an in pectore capital city, Rome, that is the symbolic centre of the Italian history. But the city has to wait another ten years to join to the rest of Italy. The solution is to temporarily move the capitol to Florence, even if nobody explicitly says it to Florentines! The step from Turin to Florence, and from Florence to Rome sets in motion a complex organizational mechanism and a significant money's amount, invested in the effort to bring the two cities to the new role.Before Florence, then Rome (two cities that represent a fundamental part of artistic and cultural national heritage) see the opportunity to modernize their urban structure. Urban plans are also formed for this purpose, although the instruments are deficient in relation to their technical capacity and the public administrations have low authority in the driving of the transformations. Instead, private investors and national and international banks will have open hand, facilitated from the new liberal State that will not hinder the freedom of action of private capitals.The paper want to identify the major changes occurred in the three capital cities (Turin, Florence, and Rome) investigating the urban processes and the main events in the period from 1861 to 1900. The unification acts on the three cities in different ways. In 1861 they are very different from each other, with a single similar factor, the number of inhabitants (about 150,000 each). The process of building of the new nation acts on the cities changing even more their characters and extending their differences. ; La costruzione dello stato unitario, avvenuta nell'arco di un decennio (1861-1871) portò alla necessità di spostare la capitale del Regno in un percorso di avvicinamento a Roma. Da Torino la capitale fu prima spostata a Firenze (1865), poi nel suo luogo naturale, Roma (1871). Gli spostamenti non comportarono solo conseguenze di ordine politico. Esse portarono anche alla necessità di intervenire sulla struttura urbana delle città per renderle capaci di accogliere la nuova funzione. Sia Torino che Firenze che, in misura maggiore, Roma, subirono rilevanti trasformazioni urbane, nel solco dei processi trasformativi che interessarono le città Ottocentesche d'Europa.Obiettivo dell'articolo è:- analizzare i caratteri urbanistici delle città al 1861;- individuare le trasformazioni riconducibili al loro status di capitale;- definire gli impatti di tali azioni fino ai giorni nostri- individuare gli influssi causati dall'evoluzione delle infrastrutture di trasporto sulla struttura urbana.

In this paper, Vaccaro deals with the notion of post-truth, comparing its utilization by the President Trump staff with the classical relation between truth and politics in Arendt and in the Ferraris criticism of postmodernity.

In this article, the author means to connect the anarchist thought to post-structuralism, deconstructionism, critical theory, french theory, and so on. These strategies of thinking are labelled post-anarchism or neo-anarchism, all tending towards a libertarian affirmation of anti-authoritarian, not-hierarchical and differential equalitarian practices of anarchism.

The shift in cultural matrix distorted the historic city while Dhaka lost its topographical and hydrological character due to the increasing demand for transformation of land for urban uses. Instead of safeguarding, the politico-bureaucracy distorted and closed Dhaka's major public open spaces to erase the associated historical meanings and restricted access to urban space for the majority who struggle to survive along the poverty line. As the state of adventurer's capitalism marked by the impulse of acquisition through exploitation of political or bureaucratic opportunities degraded land into mere property accessible to a few; Dhaka failed to transform into a place of opportunity for all. Thus, Dhaka failed to address the issues of social integration and to create a visible structure of its cultural identity. Instead of clearing the confusions intrinsic of long foreign rules and reestablishing a cultural identity that belongs to the land and its people, the political parties preferred to exploit the distortions inflicted by separation of pragmatic and mythical space and continued use of religious symbols to their benefit. The broad objective of the thesis is to formulate guidelines and evaluation criteria for new projects so that they might help Dhaka to transform into a city that: i. concretizes shared values and understandings, ii. makes communal life possible and meaningful, and iii. is inclusive and creates opportunities for growth and prosperity for the common people

This paper outlines the EU regulatory framework and analyses current practice in four European countries in respect of public procurement and tendering of ferry services. Tender management for major ferry services resides with national government agencies, while tenders for smaller volume regional and/or inter-isles services are generally managed by local authorities and/or regional transport authorities. Operator selection criteria increasingly emphasises service quality aspects, and environmental impacts, as well as price (i.e. amount of subsidy required). There is a continued trend towards privately-owned operators providing and investing in essential ferry services, with an increasing role played by larger international integrated transport organisations. For transport authorities, ferry service procurement involves a continuous evolutionary process of specifying, offering, selecting, monitoring and reviewing services supplied. Based on the information collected and analysed, the authors have developed a 'tender route map' which explains the different stages and key issues concerning public procurement of ferry services.

This paper examines some European cases referred to promotion of soft mobility as a new lifestyle aimed to improve benefits on environment and urban liveability. Soft mobility includes any non-motorized transport (human powered mobility). According to this, soft mobility refers to pedestrian, bicycle, roller skate and skateboard transfers. It could be indented as "zeroimpact" mobility too. As a matter of fact, the words to define this way of moving have not been codified yet, therefore mobilitè douce, soft mobility, slow traffic are synonymous in referring mainly to pedestrians and cyclists to indicate alternative to car use. Soft mobility, indeed, can be defined as a special form of sustainable mobility able to optimize urban liveability, by keeping the individual right to move. At present, cities are engaged in defining policies, procedures and interventions to further "slow traffic", both to relieve the traffic congestion, and to work for regeneration and environmental improvements. This asks for an in-depth cooperation between different political and administrative levels to achieve common objectives of development more attentive to environmental concerns. Despite this increasing attention, the idea of a "network" for soft mobility has not been yet achieved and the supply of integrated facilities and services as an alternative to the car use seems to be still difficult of accomplishment. High disparity characterizes European countries in promoting soft mobility: despite a prolific production of laws and roles referred to emergency of adopting alternative ways of moving to minimize negatives impacts (especially air and noise pollution as very threat to health) due to car dependence for urban short distance too. And yet, soft mobility could represent a real occasion of urban and territorial regeneration aimed to rehabilitate some disused paths and routes (greenways). Some successful European cases show how it is possible to capitalize territorial resources by promoting alternative way to visit them. Tourist and leisure activities, in fact, are probably the most suitable to improve a car-free lifestyle. Some pilot projects carried out in alpine regions, for instance, propose to integrate public transport supply with tourist demand of visiting different destinations. "Soft mobility" should be a different way of thinking about mobility and its impact on environment. This is what this article try to underline giving an overview of some European cases of public policies aimed at supporting soft mobility. ; This paper examines some European cases referred to promotion of soft mobility as a new lifestyle aimed to improve benefits on environment and urban liveability. Soft mobility includes any non-motorized transport (human powered mobility). According to this, soft mobility refers to pedestrian, bicycle, roller skate and skateboard transfers. It could be indented as "zeroimpact" mobility too. As a matter of fact, the words to define this way of moving have not been codified yet, therefore mobilitè douce, soft mobility, slow traffic are synonymous in referring mainly to pedestrians and cyclists to indicate alternative to car use. Soft mobility, indeed, can be defined as a special form of sustainable mobility able to optimize urban liveability, by keeping the individual right to move. At present, cities are engaged in defining policies, procedures and interventions to further "slow traffic", both to relieve the traffic congestion, and to work for regeneration and environmental improvements. This asks for an in-depth cooperation between different political and administrative levels to achieve common objectives of development more attentive to environmental concerns. Despite this increasing attention, the idea of a "network" for soft mobility has not been yet achieved and the supply of integrated facilities and services as an alternative to the car use seems to be still difficult of accomplishment. High disparity characterizes European countries in promoting soft mobility: despite a prolific production of laws and roles referred to emergency of adopting alternative ways of moving to minimize negatives impacts (especially air and noise pollution as very threat to health) due to car dependence for urban short distance too. And yet, soft mobility could represent a real occasion of urban and territorial regeneration aimed to rehabilitate some disused paths and routes (greenways). Some successful European cases show how it is possible to capitalize territorial resources by promoting alternative way to visit them. Tourist and leisure activities, in fact, are probably the most suitable to improve a car-free lifestyle. Some pilot projects carried out in alpine regions, for instance, propose to integrate public transport supply with tourist demand of visiting different destinations. "Soft mobility" should be a different way of thinking about mobility and its impact on environment. This is what this article try to underline giving an overview of some European cases of public policies aimed at supporting soft mobility.

This paper examines some European cases referred to promotion of soft mobility as a new lifestyle aimed to improve benefits on environment and urban liveability. Soft mobility includes any non-motorized transport (human powered mobility). According to this, soft mobility refers to pedestrian, bicycle, roller skate and skateboard transfers. It could be indented as "zeroimpact" mobility too. As a matter of fact, the words to define this way of moving have not been codified yet, therefore mobilitè douce, soft mobility, slow traffic are synonymous in referring mainly to pedestrians and cyclists to indicate alternative to car use. Soft mobility, indeed, can be defined as a special form of sustainable mobility able to optimize urban liveability, by keeping the individual right to move. At present, cities are engaged in defining policies, procedures and interventions to further "slow traffic", both to relieve the traffic congestion, and to work for regeneration and environmental improvements. This asks for an in-depth cooperation between different political and administrative levels to achieve common objectives of development more attentive to environmental concerns. Despite this increasing attention, the idea of a "network" for soft mobility has not been yet achieved and the supply of integrated facilities and services as an alternative to the car use seems to be still difficult of accomplishment. High disparity characterizes European countries in promoting soft mobility: despite a prolific production of laws and roles referred to emergency of adopting alternative ways of moving to minimize negatives impacts (especially air and noise pollution as very threat to health) due to car dependence for urban short distance too. And yet, soft mobility could represent a real occasion of urban and territorial regeneration aimed to rehabilitate some disused paths and routes (greenways). Some successful European cases show how it is possible to capitalize territorial resources by promoting alternative way to visit them. Tourist and leisure activities, in fact, are probably the most suitable to improve a car-free lifestyle. Some pilot projects carried out in alpine regions, for instance, propose to integrate public transport supply with tourist demand of visiting different destinations. "Soft mobility" should be a different way of thinking about mobility and its impact on environment. This is what this article try to underline giving an overview of some European cases of public policies aimed at supporting soft mobility. ; This paper examines some European cases referred to promotion of soft mobility as a new lifestyle aimed to improve benefits on environment and urban liveability. Soft mobility includes any non-motorized transport (human powered mobility). According to this, soft mobility refers to pedestrian, bicycle, roller skate and skateboard transfers. It could be indented as "zeroimpact" mobility too. As a matter of fact, the words to define this way of moving have not been codified yet, therefore mobilitè douce, soft mobility, slow traffic are synonymous in referring mainly to pedestrians and cyclists to indicate alternative to car use. Soft mobility, indeed, can be defined as a special form of sustainable mobility able to optimize urban liveability, by keeping the individual right to move. At present, cities are engaged in defining policies, procedures and interventions to further "slow traffic", both to relieve the traffic congestion, and to work for regeneration and environmental improvements. This asks for an in-depth cooperation between different political and administrative levels to achieve common objectives of development more attentive to environmental concerns. Despite this increasing attention, the idea of a "network" for soft mobility has not been yet achieved and the supply of integrated facilities and services as an alternative to the car use seems to be still difficult of accomplishment. High disparity characterizes European countries in promoting soft mobility: despite a prolific production of laws and roles referred to emergency of adopting alternative ways of moving to minimize negatives impacts (especially air and noise pollution as very threat to health) due to car dependence for urban short distance too. And yet, soft mobility could represent a real occasion of urban and territorial regeneration aimed to rehabilitate some disused paths and routes (greenways). Some successful European cases show how it is possible to capitalize territorial resources by promoting alternative way to visit them. Tourist and leisure activities, in fact, are probably the most suitable to improve a car-free lifestyle. Some pilot projects carried out in alpine regions, for instance, propose to integrate public transport supply with tourist demand of visiting different destinations. "Soft mobility" should be a different way of thinking about mobility and its impact on environment. This is what this article try to underline giving an overview of some European cases of public policies aimed at supporting soft mobility.

This article reflects recent events in the macro-politics of Western Europe and North America through the perspective of intervention. It explores how populism combines with (anti)- social media to reiterate a lie with sufficient force and regularity to create conditions in which a myth can take root in the popular imagination. The filtering processes of social media ensure that no contradictory perspectives get through to disturb the prevailing viral lie which consequently morphs into a discourse of post-truth that is taken up as the new master narrative of a politics combining nationalism, racism and crypto-fascism. The years of individualism and identity politics achieve their apotheosis in the personal interventions of post-truth. The article proceeds to consider how theatre might be employed as an antidote to post-truth. Theatre is a live medium which requires the coming together of individuals to form an audience. I offer an analysis of my recent play, 'Lear in Brexitland',as an instance of an alternative intervention. This analysis encompasses writing, performing and reception to gage how theatre can produce social alternatives to the anti-social manipulations of post-truth and the oligarchs who sponsor them. Keywords: neoliberalism; anti-social media; Brecht; 'Lear in Brexitland'.

This article surfaces the different articolations of anarchism in a classical vision, in a new perspective denominated neo-anarchism, and in a hybridation with other contemporary philosophies like post-structuralism and critical theory that propose a post-anarchist thought.

La presente tesi verte sul ruolo del teatro sociale come strumento di mediazione e trasformazione dei conflitti nei contesti di post-guerra. A tal fine il primo passo (Capitolo 1) è stato costruire un quadro interpretativo interdisciplinare, con cui analizzare le caratteristiche ricorrenti e le differenze nelle esperienze già esistenti in questo ambito, e da cui poter trarre indicazioni circa il disegno progettuale. Per il raggiungimento di questi obiettivi, sono stati esaminati criticamente i lavori sul campo e le osservazioni teoriche di Hannah Reich, Guglielmo Schininà e John Paul Lederach, unitamente alle teorie di Johan Galtung e Pat Patfoort. Il secondo passo (Capitolo 2) è stato individuare alcuni casi di studio che consentissero di validare il modello interpretativo elaborato. Ho dunque innanzitutto censito le esperienze già realizzate recentemente o in corso d'opera, per poi applicare ad esse dei criteri di selezione desunti dall'analisi teorica, specie dal lavoro di Hannah Reich. Tali criteri si sono rivelati molto restrittivi al punto che ho potuto selezionare solo due dei molti casi di studio individuati, il progetto Let's see… Let's choose… Let's change… della armena ONG Peace Dialogue e il progetto di teatro partecipativo promosso dalla americana ONG Search for Common Ground. I due casi di studio (Capitolo 3) sono stati analizzati criticamente al fine di verificare e di proporre un'ipotesi di concezione, pianificazione e implementazione sul medio/lungo periodo di progetti di teatro sociale con sessioni di formazione in mediazione e trasformazione dei conflitti in processi di peacebuilding. Il quadro teorico (Capitolo 1) comprende un ampio panorama che esamina non solo il peacebuilding e il teatro sociale, ma anche i cosiddetti approcci di peacebuilding basati sull'arte (art-based peacebuilding). Il concetto di peacebuilding viene presentato nella elaborazione data da Galtung negli anni '70 e nelle più recenti definizioni a cura delle Nazioni Unite. In particolare viene dato risalto al contributo del UN Secretary-General's Policy Committee del 2007 in comparazione con le Strategie Europee riguardo la 'Gestione del Ciclo del Progetto in Cooperazione e Sviluppo'. Infatti in entrambi i documenti, emerge il ruolo cruciale svolto - nel peacebuilding come nella cooperazione allo sviluppo – dalla partecipazione, intesa come appropriazione da parte delle comunità locali del processo di cambiamento, e dall'equità, intesa come parità di accesso ai diritti e imparzialità nella trasformazione dei conflitti. A seguire vengono esposte la teoria di trasformazione dei conflitti di Johan Galtung (2004) e quella sulla comunicazione nonviolenta di Pat Patfoort (2011). Successivamente si chiariscono la definizione e la genesi del teatro sociale. La terminologia anglosassone che si utilizza nella tesi, diversamente da quella italiana, lo definisce applied theatre. Grazie alle rivoluzioni teatrali del Novecento e al contributo della pedagogia contemporanea, si sviluppa una nuova forma di teatro, collocata fuori dal mainstream teatrale e dallo show business. Tra i pionieri e fondatori del teatro sociale, Augusto Boal è considerato uno dei maggiori esponenti. Il metodo inventato da Boal, Il Teatro dell'Oppresso, è un'organizzazione sistematica di tecniche e strumenti teatrali per comprendere e contrastare le oppressioni sociali ed economiche dell'individuo e della società. Infine, nell'ultima parte del capitolo, vengono riassunte le posizioni di John Paul Lederach, ideatore della Moral Imagination, di Hannah Reich e la sua teoria the Art of Seeing, e di Guglielmo Schininà con la sua proposta del Complex Circle. Il capitolo successivo (Capitolo 2) verte sull'approccio metodologico, basato sulla combinazione del contributo di Hannah Reich e del modello empirico di Guglielmo Schininà. Partendo dalla distinzione che Hannah Reich fa tra la struttura del 'Classic' Forum Theatre e del Forum Theatre for Conflict Transformation, e in particolare nelle diverse fasi – workshop phase, performance phase e follow-up phase - vengono utilizzati gli elementi che per la ricercatrice tedesca sono a fondamento del Forum Theatre for Conflict Transformation: prima e durante la workshop phase - la scelta consapevole e accurata dei partecipanti e dei luoghi in cui si svolgerà il training; - l'inserimento di moduli di gestione dei conflitti e spazi condivisi di tempo libero; - lo sviluppo di una attenta scrittura collettiva del copione - chiamata art of telling; per la performance phase - la scelta consapevole e accurata dei luoghi per le presentazioni pubbliche; - la competenza del joker nella trasformazione dei conflitti; per la follow-up phase - l'inserimento di altre attività che rendano sostenibili le relazioni tra i membri del gruppo. Sono questi elementi i principali fattori attraverso i quali è stata analizzata la struttura dei due casi di studio. Dal modello del Complex Circle di Schininà sono stati desunti i parametri per leggere criticamente l'implementazione dei progetti: interdisciplinarietà, gestione delle differenze nel rispetto delle stesse, prospettive multiple, sistema di comunicazione multilayer. Grazie al censimento dei progetti realizzati o in corso di teatro sociale con sessioni di gestione e trasformazione dei conflitti in contesti di post-guerra che coinvolgessero giovani/adulti su un periodo di medio/lungo termine (minimo di due anni), è stato costruito un database. Esso si trova in appendice alla tesi. Le fonti di reperimento dei casi sono state soprattutto i networks In place of war a cura della Manchester University (www.inplaceofwar.com) e Acting Together a cura della Brandeis University (www.actingtogether.org), oltre a vari journals di Applied Theatre e Peace & Conflict Studies, disponibili on line. Attraverso la consultazione puntuale dei siti web dei vari casi presenti in database, è stata verificata la possibilità di accedere a dati aggiornati e/o di contattare direttamente i referenti dei progetti. Attraverso questo lavoro, sono stati selezionati i due casi di studio della Peace Dialogue e Search for Common Ground utilizzando come framework critico il lavoro di Hannah Reich e quello di Guglielmo Schininà. Nel terzo capitolo, vengono presentati ed esaminati i due casi di studio. Essi sono: - il progetto Let's see… Let's choose… Let's change… della armena ONG Peace Dialogue, relativo alla situazione conflittuale del Nagorno-Karabakh, - il progetto di teatro partecipativo promosso dalla americana ONG Search for Common Ground, per affrontare la questione delle terre in Rwanda. Queste due esperienze, molto diverse tra loro, sono accomunate dal fatto che, in un ampio disegno di peacebuilding, il teatro sociale venga esplicitamente rafforzato da sessioni di formazione alla gestione e trasformazione dei conflitti, attraverso il coinvolgimento delle comunità locali. Per ogni caso viene presentato un excursus storico mediante il quale si evidenziano il contesto in cui le esperienze si inseriscono e le caratteristiche specifiche dei conflitti in questione. Il conflitto in Nagorno-Karabakh, incancrenito sin dagli inizi del Novecento, è scoppiato prepotentemente dopo la disgregazione dell'Unione delle Repubbliche Socialiste Sovietiche, in una guerra che ufficialmente si è conclusa il 5 maggio del 1994 con la firma dell'armistizio di pace tra Azerbaijan e Armenia. Ma le questioni etniche e territoriali che colpiscono la regione del Nagorno-Karabakh sono ancora oggi motivo di tensioni tra i due paesi. La regione è fortemente militarizzata, e questo incide soprattutto sulla società civile e la popolazione più giovane che da sempre vive in questa condizione, senza aver conosciuto alternative. Il conflitto in Ruanda, invece, è legato alla riforma agraria (1999), promossa per affrontare la questione dei diritti di eredità delle terre da parte di donne e bambini. Tale riforma infatti, a detta di Sydney Smith e Elise Webb, ha incontrato una crescente resistenza dovuta ad un atteggiamento culturale contrario all'eredità femminile. Inoltre le leggi promulgate in tale direzione sono ignorate da gran parte della popolazione, che per di più è composta – dati World Bank 2011 - per il 43% da giovani sotto i quattordici anni. Il progetto di Search for Common Ground ha l'obiettivo di creare un dibattito costruttivo sulla questione dell'eredità delle terre, implementando anche un confronto diretto tra comunità e autorità locali. Segue poi l'analisi puntuale dei due progetti, con riferimento al framework metodologico ideato, e una analisi comparata degli stessi. La proposta che viene elaborata nella discussione dei risultati è articolata sui vari criteri di analisi suggeriti da Hannah Reich. Per quanto riguarda la scelta dei partecipanti, essa riflette le diversità intrinseche che i due casi presentano nelle caratteristiche stesse di conflitto: nel progetto della Peace Dialogue vengono coinvolti giovani provenienti da diverse regioni caucasiche per il ruolo chiave che essi potranno assumere nella costruzione della pace circa la questione del Nagorno-Karabakh; in Ruanda la Search for Common Ground coinvolge attori professionisti che, attraverso le tecniche di teatro partecipativo, sono in grado di coinvolgere in modo neutro ed imparziale la comunità in scene che rispecchiano conflitti e questioni locali. Inoltre, gli obiettivi specifici dei due casi sono diversi. Nel caso del Ruanda, obiettivo specifico è ridurre l'incidenza di conflitti interpersonali intorno alla questione eredità terra, e aumentare il ricorso imparziale e super partes alle autorità locali, comprese le figure degli abunzi, mediatori tradizionali. Per Peace Dialogue obiettivo è incoraggiare il coinvolgimento dei giovani nella discussione di questioni civili e di formarli nella gestione nonviolenta dei conflitti. A partire dal confronto dei due casi e dalla letteratura disponibile sull'argomento, viene proposta una struttura di Forum Theatre for Conflict Transformation che coinvolga un team interdisciplinare di formatori, in grado di accompagnare il processo di apprendimento/insegnamento con una modalità interattiva e interdisciplinare. In questo modo si propone la costruzione di un framework misto che combini, allo stesso tempo e nella stessa sede formativa, gli strumenti di teatro sociale e di mediazione. Sulla stessa linea di pensiero si situa l'approccio dialogico suggerito da Guglielmo Schininà, e l'implementazione condivisa realizzata dalla Peace Dialogue in Armenia/Nagorno-Karabakh. I partecipanti infatti sono stati coinvolti in un processo partecipativo tra pari, che li ha portati a definire in itinere sia le tematiche da affrontare durante il progetto sia il processo di realizzazione, sotto la supervisione di un gruppo internazionale di facilitatori. Nelle conclusioni riassumo il lavoro svolto e avanzo alcune riflessioni, domande, dilemmi e prospettive per ulteriori ricerche in questo campo. Sinteticamente, i nodi più critici mi sembrano riguardare la valutazione e il ruolo degli esperti esterni. Quanto al primo aspetto occorre rilevare che il ruolo dei finanziatori del progetto ha il suo peso e la sua influenza. Come affrontare tale criticità quando il materiale a disposizione è affetto da uno stile propagandistico teso a sottolineare i punti di forza e i risultati positivi a scapito delle debolezze e delle difficoltà? Quanto al ruolo degli esterni, esso può incidere in maniera significativa sulle comunità locali. Che tipo di processi vengono attivati durante la pratica di apprendimento/insegnamento? Quali sono i punti di forza e di debolezza durante il trasferimento di competenze? Come misurare e valutare tale problematicità? Infine il ruolo degli abunzi (mediatori tradizionali locali del Ruanda) nella società ruandese dà lo spunto per riflettere sulle dinamiche di giustizia locale. Come conciliare, nel rispetto dei ruoli e delle culture, la mediazione "formale" con quella tradizionale senza cercare di imporre un approccio unidirezionale?

The paper analyzes the remedies available in Italy to implement judgments of the European Court of Human Rights which identitify the retrial as a suitable means to ensure that the injured party is restored in a conventional "trial" guarantee. Due to Italian legislator's inertia, the Constitutional Court introduced the "European" review, using as a model a completely different institute - the "traditional" review - whose regulation is, therefore, in many respects unsuitable to implement the new remedy. Thus, it is quite hard to identify the conditions, procedures and results of the "European" review. It is also hard to reconcile the wide interpretative discretion granted by the Constitutional Court on judges with the principle of procedural legality. Moreover, a new institute – the "rescissione" of res iudicata – was recently added to the review. Such remedy would already be suitable to restore the conventional guarantees of the process in absentia, but in future it could be taken as a model for any kind of retrial in compliance with conventional guarantees. ; Lo scritto analizza i rimedi disponibili in Italia per dare esecuzione alle sentenze della Corte europea dei diritti umani che, nel condannare lo Stato per la violazione di garanzie convenzionali "processuali", individuino nella riapertura post iudicatum del processo un idoneo strumento di ristoro della vittima della violazione. Nella perdurante inerzia del legislatore, è stata la Corte costituzionale a introdurre la c.d. revisione "europea", innestandola però su un istituto – la revisione "tradizionale" – dagli obiettivi affatto diversi, la cui disciplina, quindi, è per molti versi inadatta a recepire il nuovo rimedio. Di qui la difficoltà di individuare presupposti, modalità di svolgimento ed esiti decisori della revisione "europea", conciliando gli ampi margini di discrezionalità interpretativa riconosciuti dalla Corte costituzionale al giudice ordinario col principio di legalità processuale. Al rimedio introdotto dal Giudice delle leggi si è peraltro ...

My thesis analyses the relationship between writing systems and ethnic cohesion in the processes of national identity construction in Bulgaria and Croatia. I investigate the role played by alphabetic questions in the course of some critical moments of socio-politic passage in both of the countries, corresponding to the inter-war and post-imperial period and to the most recent post-socialist one. With such aim, I consider several texts related to "alphabetic disputes" (in reference with the Cyrillic/Latin debate), coming from representatives of the intellectual and cultural field, integrated in some cases with official legal documents related to writing matters and inscribed in the respective signification space at a national and international ideological level. The aim is to highlight the fact that delicate questions in the field of writing systems with the respective choices on the matter reflect the positioning of the countries in different political and cultural contexts, representing the attempt to construct a national narrative in line with the historical moment and the dominant identitary ideology. In addition to this, I will prove that the national construction serves itself of the element of the alphabet in order to affirm in a highly symbolic way its identity in relation to a significant "Other", in what can be interpreted as a symptom of an assimilatory fear that has never been appeased, characteristic of the Balkan area.