Suchergebnisse

National audience ; Dans le cas des opérations Rap dans les cités, Cités musiques, Quartiers musiques et du festival des Hauts de Garonne qui se déroulent sur les communes de la rive droite de Bordeaux, les cultures urbaines et/ou du monde sont introduites sous la forme d'une proposition organisée en direction des jeunes des banlieues, identifiés de façon implicite comme les nouvelles classes dangereuses des périphéries. Il s'agit d'utiliser des modèles ethniques correspondant à des standards internationaux médiatisés qui auraient fait leur preuve dans la régulation des tensions sociales des grandes villes du monde. Ces événements se déroulent dans des quartiers de périphérie pauvre (habitat social dominant) identifiés comme ethniques. Il est démontré dans les arguments qui prouvent l'utilité de ces actions la nécessité de « recréer du lien social », de « désenclaver les quartiers d'exil » par la promotion de cultures urbaines à forte connotation ethnique pour des jeunes « issus de l'immigration » mais nés en France et de culture française. La culture et les loisirs deviennent ainsi un moyen de traiter sur place (et non en centre ville) les problèmes sociaux posés par une jeunesse désœuvrée et turbulente. Quelle est la logique de ces politiques publiques et à quelles valeurs se réfèrent-elles si l'on considère que les populations implicitement visées sont pour la plupart issues des anciennes colonies françaises ?

In this paper we present four theoretical perspectives (Political Analysis of Discourse, Postcolonia- lism, Decolonialism and Gender) pointing their affinities, their differences and their incompatibili- ties. We also reflect about future analitical possibilities, considering the theoretical in at least three readings: the ontoepistemologial, the conceptual and the logics of intellection. We consider that none of the theoretical perspectives are homogeneous, but they articulate diverse emphasis. That is why our reflections are strictly referenciated. We are interested in make visible how the critics aproaches or it moves away of certain foundational canons and discoursive closures. ; El artículo aborda una muestra de cuatro cuerpos teóricos (Análisis Político de Discurso, Postcolo- nialismo, Decolonialismo y Género) con la intención analítica de visibilizar en qué son afines, en qué son diferentes, en qué incompatibles, para posteriormente reflexionar sobre posibilidades analíticas futuras, considerando lo teórico en al menos tres planos: el onto-epistemológico, el conceptual y el de las lógicas de intelección. Se considera que ninguno de los cuerpos teóricos retomados, son cada uno un bloque homogéneo sino que en su interior se marcan diversas articulaciones y énfasis. Por ello nuestros comentarios son estrictamente referenciados. Interesa hacer visible en qué medida la crítica se acerca y se aleja de ciertos cánones fundacionales y cierres discursivos.

In seinem neuesten Buch Namibia and Germany. Negotiating the Past, legt der Soziologe Reinhart Kößler eine umfassende und erhellende Studie zu transnationaler Erinnerungspolitik und subalternen Erinnerungspraktiken mit Bezug zum Herero-Nama-Genozid vor. Der Fokus liegt hierbei auf dem spezifisch asymmetrischen Charakter der Debatte und den Herausforderungen "postkolonialer Versöhnung" in einem solchen Setting. Insbesondere geht es hierbei um ein tiefergehendes Verständnis von Akteurskonstellationen in dem komplexen Feld transnationaler Erinnerungspolitik. Der Autor reflektiert kritisch das postkoloniale Setting und wirft einige drängende Fragen auf: Welche Rolle kommt den betroffenen Opfer-Gruppen in dieser transnationalen Erinnerungspolitik zu? Inwiefern haben die Nachfahren der Genozid-Opfer eine Stimme in den bilateralen Verhandlungen zwischen Deutschland und Namibia? Das Buch verknüpft verschiedene Orte und Motive dieses postkolonialen (Erinnerungs-)konflikts zusammen in Hinblick auf die Herausforderungen sozialer (Un-)Gerechtigkeit in transnationalen Kommunikationsprozessen über eine solch verheerende Vergangenheit. ; In his new and timely book Namibia and Germany. Negotiating the Past the sociologist Reinhart Kößler offers a comprehensive and insightful study on transnational memory politics and subaltern commemorative practices related to the Herero-Nama-genocide, focusing on the specific asymmetrical character of the present debate and the challenges of "postcolonial reconciliation" in such a setting. The main aim is to contribute to an understanding of "actor constellations" within the complex field of transnational memory politics. In doing so, the book critically reflects on the postcolonial situation, raising some urgent questions: where is the space of the affected communities in this transnational memory politics? Do the descendants of the genocide victims actually have a voice in these bilateral talks? The book thus successfully brings together several sites and motives of this postcolonial (memory) conflict in an account of the difficulties and continuing injustices in "transnational communication over a dire past" (p. 10).

10 p. ; El presente trabajo busca recuperar los aportes del poscolonialismo en conexión con los estudios latinoamericanos contemporáneos con el propósito de identificar los principios teórico-epistémicos que se presentan como condición de posibilidad para un abordaje crítico y reflexivo sobre las migraciones limítrofes en Argentina. Así, la temática se enmarca en un recorrido histórico que parte del análisis de las relaciones entre conocimiento, poder y realidad en la organización colonial del mundo, pasando por la formación de los Estados nación, hasta llegar a la constitución de los rasgos específicos del imaginario nacional argentino. La relevancia de tales procesos radica en la posibilidad señalar, a partir de ellos, los actuales dispositivos de poder y regímenes de sentido sedimentados que se encuentran en la base de la producción de conocimiento científico en ciencias sociales. En este sentido, se pretende avanzar en la profundización de los procesos de identificación (y des-identificación) considerados necesarios a nivel cognitivo (social y académico) para la elaboración de pensamiento crítico en América Latina. The present work seeks to recover the contributions of postcolonialism in connection with contemporary Latin American studies with the purpose of identifying the theoretical and epistemic principles that are presented as a condition of possibility for a critical and reflexive approach on border migration in Argentina. Thus, the thematic is framed in a historical route that starts from the analysis of the relations between knowledge, power and reality in the colonial organization of the world, through the formation of the nation states, until arriving at the constitution of the specific features of the imaginary Argentine national. The relevance of such processes lies in the possibility of pointing out, from them, the current mechanisms of power and settled regimes of meaning that lie at the basis of the production of scientific knowledge in social sciences. In this sense, we intend to advance in the deepening of the processes of identification (and deidentification) considered necessary at the cognitive (social and academic) level for the elaboration of critical thinking in Latin America. --

Dans une contribution précédente , je soulevais, sans y répondre, la question de savoir si le « droit », alors même qu'il a été l'un des instruments de la colonisation, pouvait devenir le medium d'une décolonisation politique et sociale. C'est à une tentative de réponse que sont consacrées les lignes qui suivent. Je propose ici de porter un regard postcolonial et décolonial sur le droit international non seulement en tant qu'ensemble normatif et de pratiques, mais également, et davantage encore, en tant qu'objet de recherche et d'enseignement ; l'un des prismes privilégiés sera notamment celui du droit international des peuples autochtones.

Dans une contribution précédente , je soulevais, sans y répondre, la question de savoir si le « droit », alors même qu'il a été l'un des instruments de la colonisation, pouvait devenir le medium d'une décolonisation politique et sociale. C'est à une tentative de réponse que sont consacrées les lignes qui suivent. Je propose ici de porter un regard postcolonial et décolonial sur le droit international non seulement en tant qu'ensemble normatif et de pratiques, mais également, et davantage encore, en tant qu'objet de recherche et d'enseignement ; l'un des prismes privilégiés sera notamment celui du droit international des peuples autochtones.

Dans une contribution précédente , je soulevais, sans y répondre, la question de savoir si le « droit », alors même qu'il a été l'un des instruments de la colonisation, pouvait devenir le medium d'une décolonisation politique et sociale. C'est à une tentative de réponse que sont consacrées les lignes qui suivent. Je propose ici de porter un regard postcolonial et décolonial sur le droit international non seulement en tant qu'ensemble normatif et de pratiques, mais également, et davantage encore, en tant qu'objet de recherche et d'enseignement ; l'un des prismes privilégiés sera notamment celui du droit international des peuples autochtones.

Dans une contribution précédente , je soulevais, sans y répondre, la question de savoir si le « droit », alors même qu'il a été l'un des instruments de la colonisation, pouvait devenir le medium d'une décolonisation politique et sociale. C'est à une tentative de réponse que sont consacrées les lignes qui suivent. Je propose ici de porter un regard postcolonial et décolonial sur le droit international non seulement en tant qu'ensemble normatif et de pratiques, mais également, et davantage encore, en tant qu'objet de recherche et d'enseignement ; l'un des prismes privilégiés sera notamment celui du droit international des peuples autochtones.

The subject of this dissertation comprises three segments: while the primary focus is on the research of the female characters of the three chosen authors, this paper also deals with the issue of female authorship, that is, the social circumstances that have to a great extent shaped and still impact the literary work of female writers and finally, the dissertation reflects on the manner in which female authors approach the women's issue, that is, how they shape the female identity. The aim of this dissertation is to explore and answer the question what is that makes women from culturally opposed communities different, and what is that they, despite the numerous sociological discrepancies, still have in common. Thus, the main task of this research was to shed light on, still rather vaguely defined, "women's issue" by drawing parallels between the women, that is, the female characters who live in specific political, sociological and cultural conditions typical of the West (female characters of Margaret Atwood and Toni Morrison) and typical of the East (female characters of Anita Desai). In order to reach the answer to a complex question such as this one, the dissertation tackles the matters that the authors themselves find the most relevant, that is, the themes instrumental in defining the female identity. By means of the analysis of these life matters, the dissertation provides insight into not just the psyche of individual characters, but also illustrates the dynamics of an entire society: beliefs, customs, hierarchies of power, etc. The themes that have been given the most attention are: marriage, motherhood, friendship between women, female sexuality, family and the relationship of one with the community and with oneself. By the method of comparison, the research work reached the conclusion that social factors, such as economic climate, political orientation and the quality of the educational system, undoubtedly affect the level of awareness of women, the attitude of the society toward women and the attitude women nurture toward themselves. Nevertheless, regardless of the numerous and significant differences between the women in the East and West, there are segments they have in common, despite the external, social factors. ; Predmet ove doktorske disertacije sastoji se iz tri dela: dok je primarni fokus istraživanja bio na junakinjama tri navedene autorke, rad se takođe bavi i pitanjem ženskog autorstva, tj. društvenim okolnostima koje su u velikoj meri formirale, a i danas utiču na književni rad ženskih pisaca, i na kraju, posvećena je pažnja i načinu na koji autorke pristupaju ženskom pitanju, tj. tome kako oblikuju ženski identitet. Cilj disertacije je da istraži i odgovori na pitanje šta je to što žene sa različitih meridijana, iz kulturološki nespojivih zajednica razdvaja, a šta im, pak, uprkos tome ostaje zajedničko. Dakle, zadatak ovog istraživanja bio je da rasvetli, još uvek donekle nejasno definisano, "žensko pitanje", tako što će uspostaviti paralele između žena, tj. ženskih likova, koji žive u specifičnim političkim, sociološkim i kulturološkim uslovima tipičnim za Zapad (junakinje Margaret Etvud i Toni Morison) i Istok (junakinje Anite Desai). Da bi se došlo do odgovora na ovako složeno pitanje, rad se prvashodno bavi temama kojima su same autorke podarile najviše pažnje, tj. onim temama koje su se pokazale ključnim za definisanje ženskog identiteta. Na osnovu analize ovih segmenata života, disertacija pruža uvid ne samo u psihu pojedinačnih likova, već oslikava i celokupnu društvenu dinamiku: verovanja, običaje, hijerarhije moći, itd. Teme kojima je dato najviše prostora su: brak, majčinstvo, prijateljstvo među ženama, ženska seksualnost, porodica i odnos pojedinca prema sebi i zajednici. Metodom komparacije došlo se do zaključaka da društveni faktori poput ekonomske situcije, političkog usmerenja i kvaliteta obrazovnog sustema nesumnjivo utiču na nivo svesti kod žena, odnos društva prema ženi, kao i žene prema sebi. Međutim, bez obzira na brojne i značajne razlike između žena na Istoku i Zapadu, ostaju sfere koje su im zajedničke, bez obzira na spoljne, društvene faktore. Ove sličnosti daju odgovor na pitanje šta čini suštinu žene, tj. šta žene čini posebnim i drugačijim.

Scholars of the Caribbean have intellectually charted beyond colonial boundaries. For example, there has been an effort to study the Dominican Republic and Haiti as a single unit. A line of inquiry regarding the "Three Guianas" has pushed beyond colonial borders to explore the expanse of French Guiana, Suriname (formerly Dutch Guiana) and Guyana (formerly British Guiana) in the same conversation. Several conferences have followed this intellectual journey, including "Imagining the Guyanas: Ecologies of Memory and Movement," at the University of London in 2016. This dialogue follows patterns previously generated by everyday people: crossing porous borders; traversing the Amazon; establishing networks of trade, communities, political alliances; small-scale mining and tourism; and the expansion of the informal economy. These three small states – with combined populations of less than 1.6 million – cover almost 465,000 km2 in South America, with topography ranging from rain forest to savannah to coastal cities. Overwhelming majorities of their populations live on the coast, and they share vast 'interiors', including the Amazon Basin. Considering these three countries without ignoring differences imposed by empire and language, is the fundamental project of Post-colonial trajectories in the Caribbean: The three Guianas. ; N/A

Decolonisation entailed the end of and a reversal of European imperialist expansionist policies in the developing world. On the other hand, postcolonial studies close affinity to post-structuralism has resulted in a complete amnesia about the incompleteness of the project of decolonisation of the erstwhile colonial world. This paper outlines the key critique of postcolonialism being too engrossed in the theoretical and cultural concerns at the expense of the political and ethical responsibilities during the transfer of power. Postcolonialism itself may have become a new colonising, hegemonic discourse. Indeed, the trauma of decolonisation cannot be brushed under the carpet or be wished away in the frenetic action towards mindless theorisation. The passing of the empire or decolonisation in fact did not result in the end of neo-colonial ambitions. The rise and fall of hegemonic states in the developing world provides opportunities to reflect and review our own positioning in relation to theories. Theorising the 'decolonial' is as important as their postcolonial interpretations. Today, postcolonialism continues to exhibit its complicity with neoliberal market economy.

This article addresses the issue of Italian postcolonialism and its belated flourishing in comparison to other European countries. In particular, in particular, on the different genesis that this paradigm has undergone in terms of intellectual traditions and cultural output. Different cartographies have led to a specific brand of Italian postcolonialism that has emerged as a useful umbrella term to critically address questions of immigration, multiculturalism and citizenship within the Italian context. The term has now gained momentum bringing Italy into a transnational dialogue that questions the flows and nodes of Italian history, culture and politics creating new archives and cosmopolitan futures.

This article addresses the issue of Italian postcolonialism and its belated flourishing in comparison to other European countries. In particular, in particular, on the different genesis that this paradigm has undergone in terms of intellectual traditions and cultural output. Different cartographies have led to a specific brand of Italian postcolonialism that has emerged as a useful umbrella term to critically address questions of immigration, multiculturalism and citizenship within the Italian context. The term has now gained momentum bringing Italy into a transnational dialogue that questions the flows and nodes of Italian history, culture and politics creating new archives and cosmopolitan futures.

In teaching and dialoguing with students and colleagues we have on a number of occasions had to grapple with questions such as: What is the 'anti-colonial'? How is this different from a 'post-colonial' approach? And how are we to articulate an anti-colonial prism as a way of thinking and making sense of current colonial relations and procedures of colonization? These are tough questions complicated by the apparent mainstream privileging and intellectual affection for the "post-colonial" over "anti-colonial". This paper is purposively written to provoke a debate as a contestation of ideas of the current 'post' context. We are calling for a nuanced reading of what constitutes an intellectual subversive politics in the ongoing project of decolonization for both colonized and dominant bodies. We ask our readers to consider the possibilities of a counter theoretical narrative or conception of the present in ways that make theoretical sense of the everyday world of the colonized, racialized, oppressed and the Indigene. We bring a politicized reading to the present as a moment of practice, to claim and reclaim our understandings of identity in the present with implications for how we theorise a Diasporic identity. We challenge the intellectual seduction to equally flatten notions of identity and relations as simply fluid, in flux or something to be complicated/contested. We believe there is something that must not be lost in reclaiming past powerful notions regarding particularly the marginalized understandings of their identities for the present. Thus we revive anti-colonial discourse, building on early anticolonial thinking and practice. We are bringing a particular reading of the 'colonial' that is relevant to the present in which both nations, states and communities, as well as bodies and identities are engaged as still colonized and resisting the colonial encounter. ; peer-reviewed

National discourses specific to Aotearoa/New Zealand — for example, biculturalism, which reimagines Māori-Pākehā relations as a partnership based on the Treaty of Waitangi — help to construct, express, and articulate connections between music and New Zealand identity. Yet unquestioned nationalisms — however benign or 'official' they seem — can marginalize some ways of being, knowing, organizing, and music-making, through their capacity to advance and reinforce undisclosed social values and political agendas. In this way, nationalism often disguises the consequences of those values and agendas. This thesis demonstrates how, by unproblematically invoking nationalisms for various purposes, significant New Zealand music-related institutions inadvertently reproduce Eurocentric national identity narratives which overlook the social, cultural, economic and political inequities of Aotearoa/NZ's postcolonial present. Such narratives normalize conceptions of 'New Zealand music' dominated by historic and evolving cultural and economic connections between New Zealand society and the broader postcolonial Anglosphere. Consequently, identifications of 'New Zealand' culture and music often reflect dominant Pākehā norms, against which other musical traditions are contrasted. Several prominent 'national' institutions involved with music are examined through three cases studies. The first considers how state-supported music policies and agencies construct and legitimize economic, artistic and democratic ideologies as national values, and explores the consequences of a frequent failure to distinguish between a cultural identity, based on dominant Pākehā norms and values, and a culturally plural civic-based national identity. The second case study examines events during and surrounding two major music awards ceremonies, the Vodafone New Zealand Music Awards and the Silver Scroll Awards, showing how these ceremonies construct and reinforce a prestige hierarchy of 'New Zealand music' in which Anglo-American popular music styles are privileged over other musical expressions. The consequences for cultural representation in relation to New Zealand identity are considered. The final case study analyses the New Zealand popular music heritage presented at Auckland Museum's exhibition, Volume: Making Music in Aotearoa. Volume's displays and stories, contextualized and informed by Auckland Museum and prominent entities in New Zealand's music industry, are shown to reinforce a dominant New Zealand music 'Kiwiana', neglecting divergent cultural perspectives and political positions. The thesis draws on comparative analyses of qualitative interviews conducted by the author, documents and reports, press media and journalism, audiovisual broadcasts and recordings, promotional material and museum visits. These primary materials are contextualized in wider literatures — particularly on nationalism, postcolonialism and music — to provide critical perspectives on historic social, political and cultural issues regarding New Zealand national identity and its relationship to music.