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The complexity of the concept of poverty is revealed through multiple channels in politics, media, and associations, and the international community. Different views and positions are adopted with regard to the meaning, causes and approaches to poverty. This diversity in definitions poses enormous hurdles for realizing the perennial objective of reducing poverty by modern society. Varying conceptualizations of poverty make measurements controversial, affecting estimates of the magnitude of poverty and subsequent actions to be undertaken. Conflicting notions of poverty can leave poor people without the necessary policy attention and actions. This chapter explores the meanings and measurements of poverty and their implications. This exploration is directed by the question: how do we make sense from the helplessness of the faces discussed in the previous chapter? Finally, the chapter introduces a new paradigm assessing poverty, the Poverty Obliteration Paradigm (POP).

Over 1.3 billion people are living in all types of extreme poverty. Within poverty, there are different areas of damage. Some are only trapped by one issue, while others face multiple. Hunger, conflict, malnutrition, poor healthcare systems, lack of government support, and minimal access to clean water and sanitation deeply affect countries in poverty. There are so many issues and topics within poverty that it's hard to help the countries in need, but looking at one problem at a time can help build over 107 countries back to their former glory. More than 2 billion people do not have access to basic sanitation. Basic sanitation is water that comes from an improved source that doesn't take more than 30 minutes to collect. These people without basic sanitation spend their days walking miles upon miles to find clean drinking water in place of walking to school or work. Not only are people affected in their homes, but hospitals and schools also don't have basic sanitation. Every year, over 850,000 people die from these living conditions alone. Basic sanitation can be achievable with solar-powered machines that transform unclean liquids into clean water, but they cost money that many countries do not have.

This study aimed at testing the poverty measurement and the choice of poverty reduction strategy by using the data in four regencies and one municipal in Special Province of Yogyakarta (Indonesia). The study observed the number of poor people in those regions for eight-year periods (2001-2008) after the Law of Local Government Autonomy was in force in 2000. By using averagely 140 observations for each regency and municipal and employing ANOVA 2-Ways Analysis, the empirical results surprisingly revealed that only one regency and municipal produced nearly correct measurement on poverty. As to inter-temporal comparisons of the poverty number for each region, the statistical testing validated the inconsistency of poverty measure used. It gave evidence that the choice of poverty lines and poverty measures was a product of local government's arbitrary decision, and of course, based on the finding; it called for robustness analysis of the poverty measurement used by the local government. To this respect, the choice of poverty reduction strategy should be seen as the free-vested interest decision in determining the poverty measurement. It needs a customization strategy based on the measure taken.

Since the early 2000s, Tanzania has seen remarkable economic growth and strong resilience to external shocks. Yet these achievements were overshadowed by the slow response of poverty to the growing economy. Until 2007, the poverty rate in Tanzania remained stagnant at around 34 percent despite a robust growth at an annualized rate of approximately 7 percent. This apparent disconnect between growth and poverty reduction has raised concerns among policy makers and researchers, leading to a consensus that this mismatch needed to be addressed with a sense of urgency. Over the past few years, the National Strategy for Growth and Reduction of Poverty (MKUKUTA) in Tanzania has given high priority to eradicating extreme poverty and promoting broad-based growth. Achieving pro-poor growth has also been widely recognized by the World Bank as a critical strategy for accelerating progress toward its twin goals of eliminating extreme poverty at the global level by 2030 and boosting shared prosperity by fostering income growth among the bottom 40 percent in every country. The official poverty figures announced by the government in November 2013 have revealed that the national strategy against poverty has begun to facilitate reductions. The basic needs poverty rate has declined from around 34 percent to 28.2 percent between 2007 and 2012, the first significant decline in the last 20 years. Identifying the policy mechanisms that have helped to increase the participation of the poor in the growth process and to speed pro-poor growth is therefore important for present and future decision-making in Tanzania on how best to eradicate poverty. Such task requires a rigorous analysis of the evolution of poverty and of the linkages between poverty, inequality, and economic growth. This report uses the availability of the new Tanzanian Household Budget Survey (HBS) for 2011 and 2012, as well as the new rebased GDP figures released in December 2014, as an opportunity to address these issues. More specifically, the report examines the recent trends in poverty and inequality and their determinants and explores how responsive poverty reduction was to economic growth and the obstacles to achieving it.

A number of quantitative poverty assessments have been undertaken during the past decade in Cambodia. But quantitative surveys traditionally measure poverty in consumption terms, leaving aside other important factors that impact the poor. It is widely recognized that poverty is multidimensional in nature, involving a host of sociological, historical and cultural factors. The Cambodia PPA was meant to incorporate that multidimensional aspect. What follows is a report that utilizes the strength of quantitative assessments in locating where the poor live, with a more qualitative understanding of why people are poor. The two approaches are designed to be complementary in enhancing a better understanding of poverty. At the heart of the PPA's strength is t

A number of quantitative poverty assessments have been undertaken during the past decade in Cambodia. But quantitative surveys traditionally measure poverty in consumption terms, leaving aside other important factors that impact the poor. It is widely recognized that poverty is multidimensional in nature, involving a host of sociological, historical and cultural factors. The Cambodia PPA was meant to incorporate that multidimensional aspect. What follows is a report that utilizes the strength of quantitative assessments in locating where the poor live, with a more qualitative understanding of why people are poor. The two approaches are designed to be complementary in enhancing a better understanding of poverty. At the heart of the PPA's strength is t

Tunisia emerges today the only success story of the Arab Spring revolution that swept the Arab world five years ago. This poverty assessment seeks to learn from the pre and post revolution periods with a view of avoiding the repetition of past mistakes in the future. Specifically, it will provide Tunisians with a more detailed and updated diagnostics of poverty, regional disparities, trends over time and the strong links between poverty, inequality, opportunities, and vulnerability. Beyond statistics, this report will also provide a somber but more balanced alternative explanation of socioeconomic development in the country, which will hopefully complement the efforts of the Government of Tunisia to develop and implement its strategic development plan. This poverty assessment questions the extent to which growth was truly pro-poor in Tunisia and, more importantly, capable of reducing inequalities and increasing inclusion in society. This questioning sheds light on Tunisia's prospects for a more prosperous society if substantive changes in the socioeconomic model are not introduced. The poverty assessment analysis goes into a post-2010 analysis; expanding as well the analysis of monetary poverty to broader concepts of vulnerability and equal opportunities; and by enriching traditional instruments with more sophisticated tools to measure poverty, analyze poverty dynamics, and simulate the effects of certain policy reforms for the first time in Tunisia.

This paper documents levels and changes in child poverty rates in 13 OECD countries using data from the Luxembourg Income Study project, and focusing upon an analysis of the reasons for changes over the 1990s. The objective is to uncover the relative role of income transfers from the state in determining the magnitude and direction of change in child poverty rates, holding other demographic and labour market factors constant. As such the paper offers a cross-country overview of child poverty, changes in child poverty, and the impact of public policy in North America and Europe.

Perceptions of Africa have changed dramatically. Viewed as a continent of wars, famines and entrenched poverty in the late 1990s, there is now a focus on "Africa rising" and an "African 21st century." Two decades of unprecedented economic growth in Africa should have brought substantial improvements in well-being. Whether or not they did, remains unclear given the poor quality of the data, the nature of the growth process (especially the role of natural resources), conflicts that affect part of the region, and high population growth. Poverty in a Rising Africa documents the data challenges and systematically reviews the evidence on poverty from monetary and nonmonetary perspectives, as well as a focus on dimensions of inequality. Chapter 1 maps out the availability and quality of the data needed to track monetary poverty, reflects on the governance and political processes that underpin the current situation with respect to data production, and describes some approaches to addressing the data gaps. Chapter 2 evaluates the robustness of the estimates of poverty in Africa. It concludes that poverty reduction in Africa may be slightly greater than traditional estimates suggest, although even the most optimistic estimates of poverty reduction imply that more people lived in poverty in 2012 than in 1990. A broad-stroke profile of poverty and trends in poverty in the region is presented. Chapter 3 broadens the view of poverty by considering nonmonetary dimensions of well-being, such as education, health, and freedom, using Sen's (1985) capabilities and functioning approach. While progress has been made in a number of these areas, levels remain stubbornly low. Chapter 4 reviews the evidence on inequality in Africa. It looks not only at patterns of monetary inequality in Africa but also other dimensions, including inequality of opportunity, intergenerational mobility in occupation and education, and extreme wealth in Africa.

Hegel used to say that "poverty is a social phenomenon''. Mahatma Gandhi thought that poverty was the worst crime to be committed by any civil society. Poverty in India has two facets, one, social and another socio-economic. Those who are poor socially are generally poor educationally and economically. Poverty in India is mostly counted in absolute terms. According to Damien and Rafi, poverty in India is visible to the naked eye of anyone who tries to understand it. According to them a poor cannot afford even to send his children to the government funded school where primary education provided free of any fees. He also could not afford to get his children treated in a primary health care centre run by the government. Incidence of poverty in India has been highlighted by several economist a few of them consist of Prof. Amartya Sen, and Jeanedreze, Suresh Tendulkar, N.C. Saxena to quote a few. According to them around 25 percent population still live in abject poverty. Even the government of India has conceded that around 20 crore people in India live in a state of abject poverty with no access to portable drinking water, sanitation, and two square meals.

Advances in global telecommunication infrastructure, including computers, mobile phones, and the Internet, have brought about major transformation in world communication. In Nigeria, the young and the old now have access to the world from their homes, offices, cyber cafes and so on. Lately, internet or web-enabled phones and other devices like iPods, and Blackberry, have made internet access easier and faster. However, one of the fall outs of this unlimited access is the issue of cybercrime. Consequently, cybercrime, known as "Yahoo Yahoo" or "Yahoo Plus", is a source of major concern to the country. Nigeria's rising cybercrime profile may not come as a surprise, considering the high level of poverty and high unemployment rate in the country. What is surprising, however, is the fact that Nigerians are wallowing in poverty despite the huge human and material resources available in the country. With the aid of the human security approach, this paper aims to (i) establish a nexus between poverty and cybercrime in Nigeria; (ii) examine the efforts of the Nigerian government in forestalling cybercrime; and (iii) suggest measures that could be put in place to help in curbing cybercrime as well as bringing about poverty alleviation. The paper suggests that the government must put viable policies and programmes on poverty reduction and eradication in place. However, these policies and programmes need to be judiciously backed by actions.

This paper hypothesizes that country poverty is negatively associated with the civic activism of its citizens. It employs cross country regression analysis to test the proposition. In general, the findings of the paper lend support to the contention that greater civic activism leads to reduced poverty.Poverty is a worldwide problem. One of the possible ways that pressure can be brought to bear to change a countrys policies, institutions, attitudes, and beliefs is through civic activism and protest. Without expressed discontent, the status quo tends to prevail. A large part of the civil rights legislation enacted in the U.S. is the product of the intense civic engagement.The purpose of this paper is to empirically investigate whether civic activism is consequential for poverty. Specifically, it is posited that poverty is inversely related to civic activism, with greater civic activism leading to reduced poverty.The paper is divided into five sections. The first section of the paper consists of a small literature review that highlights some of the recent findings regarding variables that might explain poverty. The second section provides a little model that focuses on civic activism as a potential determinant of poverty. The third section discusses the variables that are used in the empirical section, assigns variable names to these variables, and identifies their sources. The fourth section presents, and subsequently analyzes, the results of cross country regressions of poverty on civic activism. Finally, the fifth section finishes up by providing a brief conclusion

This financial report provides an overview of USAID's performance and financial information during the 2014 fiscal year.

One of the early chapters in Poverty in Scotland 2021, the latest in a series providing an essential resource for politicians, policy makers, teachers, community activists, service providers, academics, students and all those working to end poverty. This chapter reviews how we measure format.

Lebenslagen und Armutsbetroffenheit der Klienten der Deutschen Caritas.

Themen: 1. Befragung des Caritasbesuchers: Initiator für das Aufsuchen
der Caritaseinrichtung; Entfernung zwischen Caritaseinrichtung und
Wohnort; Zeitpunkt des erstmaligen Besuchs der Einrichtung; Angaben zur
Person und zur Wohnsituation; Wohnstatus; Mietkosten; Nebenkosten;
Zahler der Mietkosten; Häufigkeit des Verzugs der Mietzahlungen;
Wohnungsausstattung; Wohnungsgröße; Höhe des Wohngelds bzw.
Mietzuschusses; Wohnen in Gemeinschaftsunterkünften oder Wohnheimen;
Haupteinkommensart; verfügbares Geld nach Abzug von Wohn- und
Pflegekosten; Angaben zur Einkommenssituation, zur Vermögenssituation
und zu den finanziellen Belastungen; Schulden; Umstände, die zu
besonders finanziellen Belastungen führen können; ökonomische Situation
des Elternhauses während der Kindheit und Jugend; soziale Herkunft;
schulische und berufliche Ausbildung; aktuelle Arbeitslosigkeit;
regionale Mobilität, mögliche Zugeständnisse und eigene Initiative, um
einen Arbeitsplatz zu finden; Angebote und Maßnahmen vom Arbeitsamt;
wichtigste Maßnahme zur Verbesserung der beruflichen Möglichkeiten;
Häufigkeit des Angebots neuer Arbeitsstellen; Bezug von
Arbeitslosengeld bzw. Arbeitslosenhilfe; Beschreibung der beruflichen
Situation vor Verlust oder Aufgabe der letzten hauptberuflichen
Arbeitsstelle; beabsichtigte Aufnahme einer Erwerbstätigkeit in naher
Zukunft; Berufs- und Erwerbsbiographie; Häufigkeit des Wechsels der
Arbeitsstelle; gesamte Arbeitslosigkeitsdauer; Arbeitslosigkeit anderer
Personen im Haushalt; Betreuungsperson bei Alleinerziehenden; Umfang
von Unterhaltsleistungen an den Haushalt; Außenstände bei
Unterhaltsleistungen; Dauer bis zur ersten Zahlung von
Unterhaltsansprüchen; Grund für die Außenstände bei
Unterhaltsleistungen; laufendes gerichtliches Feststellungsverfahren
über Vaterschaft oder Unterhaltsansprüche; Bezug von
Unterhaltsvorschüssen; Umfang des Unterhaltsvorschußgeldes; Verhalten
bei Auslauf des Anspruchs auf Unterhaltsvorschußgeld; empfundene
Erleichterungen durch die Unterhaltsvorschußkasse; Sozialhilfeempfang;
Dauer und Umfang der Sozialhilfe; weitere Sozialhilfeempfänger im
Haushalt; abgelehnte Anträge zur einmaligen Leistung für Kleidung oder
Hausrat; Einspruch gegen die Ablehnung; Beurteilung der
wirtschaftlichen Situation vor dem Bezug der Hilfe zum Lebensunterhalt;
Hauptgründe für Sozialhilfeempfang; Bezug persönlicher Hilfe vom
Sozialamt; Hauptgründe für Beendigung des Sozialhilfebezugs; wichtigste
Sozialkontakte zur Loslösung von der Sozialhilfe; Kenntnisse über
Sozialhilfeanspruch; wichtigste Gründe, auf einen Sozialhilfeanspruch
zu verzichten; Erfahrung mit Sozialhilfe, mit Ämtern und Behörden;
Beurteilung von Behördenkontakten (Skala); Existenz einer
Krankenversicherung sowie Rentenversicherung; Größe des
Verwandtenkreises; Einstufung der wirtschaftlichen Verhältnisse der
Verwandten, der Freunde sowie der Nachbarn und Einstufung der Beziehung
zu diesen Personenkreisen; finanzielle und persönliche Schwierigkeiten
im letzten Jahr und Personen bzw. Institutionen, die durch finanzielle
Unterstützung sowie persönliche Ratschläge geholfen haben;
Charakterisierung des psychischen und somatischen Gesundheitszustands;
Berufswechsel aufgrund von Krankheit oder Behinderung; Zufriedenheit in
ausgewählten Lebensbereichen, wie z.B. Gesundheit, Einkommen, Wohnung,
Familienleben, Kirche und Caritas (Skalometer); allgemeine
Lebenszufriedenheit (Skalometer); Erfahrungen mit der Caritas;
Verbesserungswünsche und Ansprüche an die Caritas; Zukunftserwartung.

2. Angaben des Caritasmitarbeiters zum Klienten: Begleitperson des
Klienten beim Caritasbesuch und gesamte Kontaktzeit mit dem Klienten im
letzten Jahr; Durchschnittszeit pro Besuch; Ortstyp;
Staatsangehörigkeit und rechtlicher Status des Klienten; Wohndauer in
Westdeutschland; Charakterisierung der besonderen Situation des
Klienten; Behinderung oder Pflegebedürftigkeit des Klienten;
Problemprofil des Klienten; von der Caritaseinrichtung geleistete Hilfe
für den Klienten; Unterstützung des Klienten bei Behördenkonflikten und
Konflikten mit Privatpersonen; Weiterleitung an Ämter und Unterbringung
in Gemeinschaftsunterkünften; Kooperationsbereitschaft des Klienten bei
der mündlichen Befragung und Einstufung der Zuverlässigkeit der
Antworten.

Demographie: Alter; Geschlecht; Familienstand; Religiosität;
Berufstätigkeit; Haushaltseinkommen; Haushaltsgröße;
Haushaltszusammensetzung.