Suchergebnisse

Dosadašnja istraživanja pokazuju da suradnja u istraživanjima između znanosti i industrije može biti snažan izvor inovacija i čimbenik koji pridonosi uspješnosti u inovacijama i ekonomskom rastu. Iako brojne mjere javnih politika i inicijative potiču zajednička istraživanja akademske zajednice i industrije, njihov potencijal još nije primjereno iskorišten. Ovaj rad daje pregled postojeće literature o suradnji u istraživanju između znanosti i industrije. Rad analizira i diskutira motive i druge čimbenike koji utječu na suradnju i identificira ograničenja zajedničkom istraživanju s aspekta poduzeća i javnih istraživačkih institucija. Na temelju pregleda literature izvode se preporuke za inovacijske politike. ; Existing research indicates that science-industry collaborative research might be a powerful source of innovation and an important factor of high innovation performance and economic growth. Although a number of public policy initiatives promote collaborative research, its potential is still not being adequately reached. This paper presents a review of existing literature on science-industry collaborative research. It elaborates and discusses motives and determinants of collaborative research, and identifies obstacles to joint science-industry research, from both the companies' and public research organizations' perspective. Based on the literature review, the paper provides recommendations for innovation policies.

Javne su politike, kao višedimenzionalan i izrazito kompleksan fenomen, nužno multidisciplinaran predmet istraživanja. Cilj je rada istražiti što je specifično politološko znanje o javnim politikama, odnosno koji je jedinstveni doprinos politologa izučavanju i upravljanju javnim politikama u svrhe profiliranja te mlade politološke discipline u Jugoistočnoj Europi. Rad je nastao kao rezultat pregleda temeljnih udžbenika javnih politika u svijetu i regiji, te literature o metodologiji i pristupima istraživanju u društvenim znanostima i politologiji. Kreće se od određivanja što su javne politike i što je politički aspekt javnih politika. Propituju se pristupi istraživanju javnih politika (policy studije). Zatim se identificiraju vrste profesionalne uporabe tih istraživanja (policy analize). Ključna je pretpostavka kako je politologija prvenstveno kompetentna za analizu aktera stvaranja politika. Osnovni je nalaz da temelj profesionalnog profiliranja politologa u javnim politikama, s obzirom da jedini rabe istraživačku perspektivu usmjerenu na aktere, reprezentativnost i legitimnost stvaranja politika, može biti jedan oblik participatorne policy analize. ; Public policies, as a multi-dimensional and highly complex phenomenon, necessarily make a multidisciplinary research subject. The aim of this paper is to examine what is specific political science knowledge about public policy, and what is the unique contribution of political scientists to policy research and governance to enhance consolidating this young discipline in Southeastern Europe. This paper is a result of a review of policy textbooks in Southeastern Europe and worldwide, and literature on approaches and methodologies in social sciences and political science. It starts with determining public polices and their political aspect. Then it explores approaches of policy studies. Finally, it identifies types of professional policy research or policy analysis. The key assumption is that political science is primarily competent to analyze policy actors. The main finding of the paper is that the basis of political scientist professionalization in policy research, given that they are best in actor-centered research, and issues of representativeness and legitimacy of policy-making, can be a form of participatory policy analysis.

Ovaj diplomski rad bavi se razdobljem pozitivizma u Poljskoj koje je trajalo od 1863. do 1890. godine. U radu se opisuje društveno-politička situacija u Europi i njezin utjecaj na Poljsku koja je još 1795. bila podijeljena na austrijski, pruski i ruski dio. Objašnjavaju se zatim temeljni pojmovi programa poljskog pozitivizma. Osim društveno-političke scene, riječ je i o pozitivizmu u poljskoj književnosti, o vrstama književnosti kao što su tendenciozna i agitacijska književnost, te o cenzuri. Pozitivizam u sociologiji utemeljio je Auguste Comte u svome djelu "Zakon triju stadija". Poljski pozitivisti preuzeli su neke vrijednosti i prilagodili pozitivizam svojim potrebama. Promjene u Europi potaknule su politička previranja u Poljskoj: želju za asimilacijom Židova, ali i rast antisemitizma te emancipacija žena i seljaka. Prikazani su također problemi društvenih skupina koje nisu imale status poljskog plemstva. ; This graduate thesis deals with the period of positivism in Poland (1863 – 1890). The theisis addresses the socio-political situation in Europe and its impact in Poland, which was divided in 1795 into Austrian, Prussian and Russian part. The basic concepts of the Polish positivism program are explained. Apart from the socio-political scene, it is also about positivism in Polish literature, about types of literature such as tendentious and agitational literature, and about censorship. Positivism in sociology was founded by Auguste Comte in his work "The Law of the Three Stages". Polish positivists have taken on some values and adapted positivism to their needs. Changes in Europe have fueled political turmoil in Poland: the desire to assimilate Jews, but also the rise of anti-Semitism and the emancipation of women and peasants. Problems of social groups that did not have the status of Polish nobility are also presented.

Upoznali smo se sa kvantitativnim mjerilima političke snage u sustavu glasovanja da-ne i njenim utjecajima na konačni rezultat glasovanja. Iskazali smo kvantitativna mjerila političke snage pomoću četiri rezultata, a to su Shapley-Shubik, Banzhaf, Johnston i Deegan-Packel indeks snage, koje smo prikazali pomoću primjera. Pristupanjem novih članica koaliciji iskazali smo paradoks novih članova, gdje nam se čini da indeks snaga treba biti manji, a zapravo je veći. Na primjeru saveznog sustava SAD-a smo vidjeli snagu predsjednika, članova Senata i Zastupničkog doma. Takđer, opisali smo paradoks predsjedavajućeg. Pomoću pojma ordinalne snage, definirali smo jesu li snage pojedinog glasača usporedive ili neusporedive. ; We introduced us with the quantitative measure of political power in the yes-no voting system and its influence on the final voting result. We have presented the quantitative measures of the political power by four results, which are Shapley-Shubik, Banzhaf, Johnson and Deegan-Packel index of power which were shown by means of examples. With the joining of new members to the coalition, we have shown the paradox of new members, where the power seemed to be smaller but is actually bigger. In the example of the U. S. federal system, we have seen the power of president, members of the Senate and the House of Representatives. We presented the president's power which is a paradox called The Chair's Paradox. Through the ordinal power we have defined when we can say that power of voter is comparable or incomparable.

Upoznali smo se sa kvantitativnim mjerilima političke snage u sustavu glasovanja da-ne i njenim utjecajima na konačni rezultat glasovanja. Iskazali smo kvantitativna mjerila političke snage pomoću četiri rezultata, a to su Shapley-Shubik, Banzhaf, Johnston i Deegan-Packel indeks snage, koje smo prikazali pomoću primjera. Pristupanjem novih članica koaliciji iskazali smo paradoks novih članova, gdje nam se čini da indeks snaga treba biti manji, a zapravo je veći. Na primjeru saveznog sustava SAD-a smo vidjeli snagu predsjednika, članova Senata i Zastupničkog doma. Takđer, opisali smo paradoks predsjedavajućeg. Pomoću pojma ordinalne snage, definirali smo jesu li snage pojedinog glasača usporedive ili neusporedive. ; We introduced us with the quantitative measure of political power in the yes-no voting system and its influence on the final voting result. We have presented the quantitative measures of the political power by four results, which are Shapley-Shubik, Banzhaf, Johnson and Deegan-Packel index of power which were shown by means of examples. With the joining of new members to the coalition, we have shown the paradox of new members, where the power seemed to be smaller but is actually bigger. In the example of the U. S. federal system, we have seen the power of president, members of the Senate and the House of Representatives. We presented the president's power which is a paradox called The Chair's Paradox. Through the ordinal power we have defined when we can say that power of voter is comparable or incomparable.

Kao rezultat izbora 2005. Pravo i pravda (PIS) postaje dominantna stranka u poljskom parlamentu s dominantnom braćom Kaczyński na čelu. Od 2007. do 2015. je oporbena politička sila, a onda 2015. uvjerljivom većinom i u donjem i u gornjem domu parlamenta opet dolazi na vlast. PiS je radikalna stranka desne orijentacije ili desnog centra. Zbog svojih je radikalnih stavova često spominjan kao uzrok slabijeg razvoja Poljske i njenog slabog međunarodnog položaja. U radu se konzervativna vlast te stranke prikazuje s obzirom na neovisnost rada sudova, slobodu medija i zaštitu ljudskih prava i sloboda. Status zaštite ljudskih prava i stupanj demokracije utjecao je na odnos EU prema Poljskoj, a nacionalizam PiS-a na odnos Poljske prema EU, Rusiji, Njemačkoj i ukupnoj međunarodnoj zajednici. ; As a result of the 2005 election, the Law and Justice party (abbreviated as PiS in Polish for Prawo i Sprawiedliwość) became the dominant party in the Polish parliament under the leadership of the Kaczyński brothers, Lech and Jaroslaw. From 2007 to 2015, PiS was a force in its role as the political opposition. It came to power again in 2015 after winning persuasive majorities in the Lower and Upper Houses. PiS is a radical party of right or center-right orientation. Because of its radical positions, it often is mentioned as a cause of Poland's weaker national development and international status. This work discusses the party's conservative government with regard to the relationship between legislative and judicial authorities, freedom of the media, and the protection of human rights. Poland's state of human rights protection and its degree of democracy has influenced its relationship with the EU. PiS's nationalism also has had an impact on Poland's relations with the EU, Russia, Germany, and the larger international community.

Uz pomoć relevantne literature u radu se analiziraju društveni aspekti starenja i obolijevanja. Autor zaključuje da ni jedna znanstvena teorija izdvojeno ne sadrži ključ rješenja za istraživanja tih složenih procesa i položaja osoba starije životne dobi u suvremenom društvu te da je najprimjereniji interdisciplinarni pristup. Da bi se ostvario zadani cilj ovoga članka, u tekstu se raspravlja: a) o teorijama koje pomažu upoznavanju starosti i starenja te omogućuju definiranje socijalne i zdravstvene politike u konkretnim uvjetima, što izravno utječe na odnos pojedinca, obitelji i društva prema sve većoj grupi starijih i bolesnih osoba, te b) o spoznaji starosti i starenja kroz prošlost i sadašnjost koja pomaže afirmaciji onih obrazaca ponašanja i aktivnosti koji su alternativa jednostranom, stigmatiziranom, ponekada i segregacijskom odnosu prema osobama starijim od 65 godina. To može pomoći da institucionalno vođene reforme socijalne skrbi i zdravstvenoga sustava omoguće kvalitativno drukčiji, u nekim segmentima i posve različit odnos prema starijima kako se taj dio društva ne bi osjećao suvišnim i odbačenim od obitelji i društva u inače teškim uvjetima tranzicije te kako bi se našli odgovori na sve složenija i aktualnija socijalna, zdravstvena, pravna, ekonomska i etička pitanja koja su u nas: a) aktualna, b) nedovoljno obrađena, c) bez sustavnoga i sveobuhvatnoga prikaza. ; With the help of relevant literature the paper analyses social aspects of ageing and getting ill. The author concludes that none of the scientific theories by themselves hold the solution for studying these complex processes and the position of old people in the modern society, and that the interdisciplinary approach is the best. To accomplish the set goal, the article discusses: a) theories that help us understand old age and ageing, and allow us to define social and healthcare policies in everyday conditions, which directly affects the attitude of individuals, families and the society towards the constantly growing group of old and ill ...

Vrijeme kada nisu postojali odnosi između politike i sporta, bilo da se radi o svakodnevnoj praksi ili znanstvenoistraživačkim pristupima povezanosti tih dvaju pojmova, ako ga je ikada i bilo, svakako je odavno iza nas. Usprkos tome danas se čini da se, osobito u znanstvenoistraživačkom radu na području nekadašnjih sportskih socijalističkih velesila, tim odnosima ne posvećuje odgovarajuća pozornost i da se oni često a priori negiraju i smatraju nevažnima. Zbog toga je glavni cilj ovoga članka potaknuti raspravu o važnosti i smislu istraživanja odnosa između politike i sporta gledano iz dvije perspektive – s obzirom na iskustva znanstvenika iz cijeloga svijeta te s obzirom na dosad provedena istraživanja znanstvenika iz bivše Jugoslavije. Stoga smo u ovome članku najprije teoretski odredili kontekst odnosa politike i sporta, a zatim smo analizom postojeće svjetske literature i radova znanstvenika s prostora bivše Jugoslavije analizirali međusobnu povezanost sporta i politike. Na temelju dobivenih rezultata, koji potvrđuju stalnu i čvrstu povezanost, ali ujedno i suviše apstraktno i paušalno razumijevanje odnosa sporta i politike, nudimo politološki relevantnu tipologiju odnosa između politike i sporta. Smatramo da razlike između odnosa politike kao borbe za vlast, institucionalne strukture te koncepta javnointeresnog djelovanja i sporta presudno utječu na buduća obilježja odnosa sporta i politike. ; Times when relations between politics and sports did not exist – be it in everyday practices or within scientific research – is definitely long gone, if they ever even existed. Nevertheless, it seems today that, especially within scientific research, these relations do not receive appropriate attention in the territories of former socialist sports superpowers, being a priori denied and considered as unimportant. That is why the key motive of this article is to initiate a discussion about the relevance of knowledge and research of the relations between politics and sport from two perspectives – the existing world-wide political science research experiences gained so far and already conducted researches in the territory of former Yugoslavia. In doing so, we first theoretically define the context of sports and politics, and then with the use of the literature review method analyse their mutual connectivity in the world and, more narrowly, within the work of the scientific community in the region of former Yugoslavia. Based on the gained conclusions which confirm a tight and constant, but also often abstract and flat-rate understood interplay between both analysed phenomena, a special typology for their in-depth and political-science-focused study is delivered. It is believed that distinctions between political, polity and policy approaches to sport decisively influence the mode of their future interplay.

This paper describes an attempt of a new methodological approach to the studying of the power structure in organizations. The first part comprises critical remarks directed to the most extensively used method of graphs of control based upon the examined subjects' perception of the existing power structure, (a) A small dispersion of results about some values is not necessarily an indicator of the validity, but perhaps of the generally accepted stereotype, (b) Perception also depends on a series of factors of social position and psychological state of examined subjects. Tending to avoid the disadvantages of the method of graphs of control, and to retain, however, a high degree of standardization, we have tried to create a method which would comprise these qualities. The research work has been carried out in two stages. The first stage consisted of a project based upon the observation with specially prepared forms as persons who contributed in the meetings of workers' councils. Objective data for all the respective persons were collected. In this way a complete picture of activity within the forum with prerogatives of bringing all the key decisions was obtained. However, even if this method offers a very detailed picture of the examined phenomenon, it is not fully satisfactory. As first, it is concentrated upon a fragment (segment) of a continuous process of decision making. Second, this method does not allow the identification of informal groups in organization which might have the key influence upon the decision making. Due to these reasons we have then created an instrument tending to cover the complete process of the decision making (including both formal and informal levels), allowing identification of all the key groups within organization, formal and informal, and being also maximally standardized. The first stage in the obtained scheme refers to the preparation of the decision making which comprises the overall social process before the formal act of the decision making. The second stage refers to the decision making itself. As last, there might appear the control, consisting of the initiative for the control implementation and the implementation itself. It is assumed that in all these various stages of the decision making process it is possible to identify persons actively participating in it. We are, however, primarily concerned with the following — which are the groups whose interests these persons represent. We will also try to analyse goals, strategies and effects of activity. In order to follow directly the overall process through which the decision making passes, we have relied upon the informants, well informed about respective organizations. Therefore this method represents a kind of a »key-men« technique, as we tried to reach persons who had such positions, this primarily through the industrial psychologists already extensively employed in industry and various other organizations. Obviously, there is always a problem of objectivity of such informants. This can be avoided in two ways: by requesting the informants to provide information only and by trying to maximally eliminate their evaluation, and also by the engage meant of several informants from the same organization.

Istraživanja u slovenskim poduzećima pokazuju da se u sedamdesetim godinama oligarhijska struktura moći u poduzeću nije promijenila. To potvrđuju percepcije ispitanika o strukturi moći i vlastitoj nemoći. Malo značenje sindikata za socijalnu organizaciju poduzeća vidi se iz činjenice da je većina radnika koji se ne smatraju članovima sindikata. To, također, potvrđuju podaci istraživanja koji govore o nereprezentativnosti sindikata. Na drugoj strani, radnici priželjkuju njegovu zaštitiničku ulogu. Članak upozorava na ulogu dominantne koalicije moći pri nedemokratičnom izboru samoupravnih organa i analizira ideologiju samoupravljanja kao faktor neinstitucionalizirane socijalne stratifikacije. ; The research of Slovenian enterprises reveals that the oligarchical structure of power in the enterprise has not changed in the seventies. It is verified by the perceptions of respondents on the structure of power and their own powerlessness. The meager significance of trade-unions for the social organization of the enterprise is evident from the fact that the majority of workers do not consider themselves to be members of the trade-union. Furthermore, it is verified by the research results which demonstrate non-representativeness of trade-unions. On the other hand, workers desire the protective role of trade-union. The article cautions about the role of the dominant power- -coalition in non-democratic elections of self-management bodies and analyses the ideology of self-management as a factor of non-institutionalized social stratification.

Ivan Kukuljević Sakcinski, osebujna i znamenita osoba iz vremena procvata hrvatskoga narodnog preporoda i nakon toga doba, u raznorodnome obilju svojega kulturnog i znanstvenog djelovanja, istaknuo se kao jedan od poticatelja zapisivanja usmene književnosti na cjelokupnome hrvatskom prostoru. U radu se analizira zbirka usmenoknjiževnih pjesama koja je objavljena 1847. pod njegovim imenom, a u svezi je s križevačkim krajem, razlaže se problematika nastanka i identiteta te građe te se kontekstualizira u ondašnje društvene i političke prilike. Unatoč svim teškoćama u svezi s dokazivanjem postanka objavljenih pjesama, naglašava se iznimna važnost te zbirke jer je riječ o jednoj od prvih objavljenih cjelovitijih zbirki zapisa hrvatske usmene književnosti u cjelokupnome korpusu hrvatske književnosti. To je, uz vinsko-pajdaške regule Križevačke štatute, kojima se ne može sa sigurnošću odrediti točno vrijeme zapisa, ujedno i prva poznata objavljena usmenoknjiževna zbirka iz križevačkoga kraja pa se Ivan Kukuljević Sakcinski može nazvati prvim zapisivačem usmene književnosti u križevačkome kraju. ; Ivan Kukuljević Sakcinski, a distinctive and famous person from the flourishing period of the Croatian national revival and afterwards, in diverse abundance of his cultural and scientific work, distinguished himself as one of the promoters of recording oral literature in the entire Croatian territory. The paper analyzes a collection of oral literary poems published in 1847 under his name and related to the region of Križevci. It explains the problems of origin and identity of those poems and contextualizes them into social and political circumstances of that period. Despite all the difficulties in providing the origin of published poems, the exceptional importance of this collection is emphasized because it is one of the first published complete collections of the Croatian oral literature records in the entire Croatian literature corpus. This is, along with the wine- drinking brotherhoods' rules of the Križevci Statute, whose exact time of recording cannot be determined, the first known published oral literary collection from the region of Križevci, thus, Ivan Kukuljević Sakcinski can be called the first recorder of oral literature in the region of Križevci.

U ovom se radu istražuju determinante životnog zadovoljstva na uzorku od 135 zemalja. Osnovni se doprinos rada sastoji u ispitivanju osjetljivosti životnog zadovoljstva na okolišne i društvene eksternalije. Rezultati analize, pritom, imaju implikacije i za nosioce javnih politika. Naime, oni pokazuju da neki faktori konzistentno utječu na razinu životnog zadovoljstva građana, bez obzira jesu li okolišne ili društvene eksternalije uključene u analizu. Postoji, međutim, i skup faktora čiji utjecaj na razinu životnog zadovoljstva oscilira ako se spomenute eksternalije uključe u analizu. Rezultati analize također pokazuju da je razina životnog zadovoljstva u tranzicijskim zemljama, uz ostale nepromijenjene uvjete, niža u odnosu na druge zemlje iz uzorka, upućujući na zaključak da u ovim zemljama nisu ostvarena ranija očekivanja građana. ; Using recent cross-country data for 135 nations, this paper examines the determinants of life satisfaction. The main contribution lies in examining the sensitivity of satisfaction to externalities, both social and environmental. Besides contributing to the literature, the findings also have some implications for public policy. The results show that some factors consistently affect life satisfaction whether or not externalities are considered, while others are sensitive to such considerations. Even under each category of spillovers, the influence in satisfaction varies. Further, other things being the same, satisfaction was lower in transition nations, perhaps signifying that these countries were somehow failing to meet the expectations of their citizens.

Leaving aside Hobbes's ideological preferences in the conflict regarding the structure of the English political body in the 17th century, the text deals with the way in which democracy is valued in his key theoretical-political works. The author does this on two levels: first, he examines the status of democracy within the framework of Hobbes's doctrine of state forms. In spite of some of its shortcomings, in none of the three variants of his science of politics does Hobbes deem that there is a rational justification for discarding democracy as one of three equally ranked forms of state. Second, the author inquires into the more general thesis of the democratic character of Hobbes's understanding of the state regardless of its form. Various elements of Hobbes's science of politics are thereby taken into account: legal equality of parties to the social contract, their status as authors of sovereign power, their freedom as subjects and the duties of the sovereign. The analysis thereof points to the necessity of a differentiated answer to the question regarding the democratic character of Hobbes's theory of state. Adapted from the source document.

U radu se nastoji pokazati kakva je bila uloga pripadnica gradske elite u zagrebačkome Gradecu. Upozorava se da su, iako direktno nisu sudjelovale u gradskoj vlasti, bile usko povezane s njezinim nositeljima. Govori se o njihovoj ulozi u prijenosu vlasništva i društvenoga ugleda kao i stvaranju političkih veza te time i formiranju gradske elite. ; Although women in medieval towns could not participate neither in the city government nor in the election of the city officers, they had influence in the shaping of the urban elite, as is demonstrated in this article on the example of Zagreb Gradec. Women in the medieval city of Zagreb were able to obtain the full right citizenship, which allowed them certain privileges. Besides that, they were treated equally to male heirs according to the inheritance law. They were also treated equally in many other aspects of the urban life such as trade or in the city court. Some women were among the richest inhabitants of the city community, as were Francisca Donati, Margareta Rybarica, Katarina, the widow of Sigismund Mauri, or Katarina Soldinar. Furthemore, the usual way of integration of the new members of the urban elite was marriage into a family which already belonged to the urban elite, whether by marrying a daughter of the prominent citizen who was a judge or a juror, or by marrying a widow of the former member of the elite. Good marriage often proved to be more useful for political climb than regular kinship ties by blood. In that way, prominent women played a great role in the integration or consolidation of the urban elite.