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The article discusses the nature and role of constituent power in contemporary constitutional democracies. It presents the genesis of the concept of constituent power (phrased by Joseph Emmanuel Sieyès within the distinction between «pouvoir constituant» and «pouvoir constitué»), different approaches to this concept framed in the XXth century legal science by such thinkers as H. Kelsen and C. Schmitt, and finally the contemporary interpretations of this concept. The author indicates and analyses two major issues relevant to the nature and role of constituent power in the contemporary constitutional democracy. Firstly, he examines the thesis that the democratic constituent power's activity remains normatively undetermined. The search for internal normativity that might characterise constituent power in democracy determines such practical constitutional issues as discretion of the legislator within the process of making or amending the constitution. Secondly, the author points out that analysis of the role of pouvoir constituant» in contemporary constitutionalism should not be limited to analysis of the "constitutional moment" only; the significance of constituent power should not be seen just in the framework of the one-off act of making the constitution. Constituent power should remain an active participant of constitutional discourse which induces a search for new principles ensuring balance between constituent and constituted power in constitutional democracies.

The article discusses the nature and role of constituent power in contemporary constitutional democracies. It presents the genesis of the concept of constituent power (phrased by Joseph Emmanuel Sieyès within the distinction between «pouvoir constituant» and «pouvoir constitué»), different approaches to this concept framed in the XXth century legal science by such thinkers as H. Kelsen and C. Schmitt, and finally the contemporary interpretations of this concept. The author indicates and analyses two major issues relevant to the nature and role of constituent power in the contemporary constitutional democracy. Firstly, he examines the thesis that the democratic constituent power's activity remains normatively undetermined. The search for internal normativity that might characterise constituent power in democracy determines such practical constitutional issues as discretion of the legislator within the process of making or amending the constitution. Secondly, the author points out that analysis of the role of pouvoir constituant» in contemporary constitutionalism should not be limited to analysis of the "constitutional moment" only; the significance of constituent power should not be seen just in the framework of the one-off act of making the constitution. Constituent power should remain an active participant of constitutional discourse which induces a search for new principles ensuring balance between constituent and constituted power in constitutional democracies.

The aim of the article is to take a broader look at the current situation related to the implementation of 5G technology in Poland from a social perspective. The analysis was conducted in a broader context – Poles' attitudes towards science and technology as well as their knowledge about modern technologies. In addition to an analysis of the literature on the subject, the article will present the results of two parallel studies conducted using three research methods: the focus method, in-depth expert interviews and a questionnaire conducted on the basis of direct interviews at respondents' homes. The article reflects on, inter alia, questions about the attitudes of Poles to the development of science and technology, in particular to 5G technology, and whether the development of modern technologies is a cause of social anxiety among Poles. Research on the social perception of the 5G network in Poland shows that Poles are not familiar with 5G technology. Their ignorance results from poorly conducted technological education, insufficient public information provided by state authorities, public distrust of the authorities as an unreliable source of information, and the hermetic language used by telecommunications specialists. The disinformation aimed at delaying the implementation of this technology in Europe, also being related to the war over 5G technology between the United States and China, has a great impact on the negative perception of the 5G technology in Polish society.

Preparation of this study was designed to achieve two objectives. The first goal is to introduce the theoretical basis of two dimensions of social policy - policy towards old age and policy towards older people. The second objective covers analyzes of the proposals and actually undertaken activities for older people that were included in strategic documents and research reports compiled at central, regional (Podlaskie Voivodeship) and local levels (city of Bialystok). Thus, overview was aimed to identify current practices, as well as recommended actions that have not been implemented and the extent of involvement of social partners at all stages of the design and implementation of this area of social policy. The report is based on analysis of existing data (desk research).

Social cooperatives in the function of social enterprises are classified as a group of employers of the open labour market. In view of their specific functioning they prepare and offer some work places to people being away from the labour market. The article attempts to characterize and evaluate the existing funding opportunities for social economy enterprises in Poland on the example of social cooperatives of legal entities in the context of the development of social economy in the area of social policy understood as one of the components of public policy. This article is a review of the current scientific literature in the field of social entrepreneurship and current legislation on social cooperatives. The presented data suggests that currently, social cooperatives have various forms and sources of financing for their activities. They operate in the sphere of public utilities, filling the gap in the provision of publicly available services which cannot be filled by free market entities or state institutions. Their activity is financed mainly from own funds, which can be supplemented with financial support from the state budget or a local government unit as well as bank loans and the European Union fund.

Digital diplomacy, also referred to as e-Diplomacy or Diplomacy 2.0, is a form of public diplomacy that entails the pursuance of foreign policy objectives using the Internet and social media. It is one of the ways that actors in contemporary global politics can exert soft power, thereby shaping a host country's perceptions, agendas, and policies. The increasing use of digital diplomacy exemplifies a shift in diplomatic from purely government-to-government (G2G) relations, to one in which communication is directed towards publics (G2P), and can even encourage citizens to interact with one another (P2P). One actor that has become increasingly active in this area is the European Union (EU). However, unlike a country, the regional bloc is a coalition of twenty-eight member states. Consequently, the challenge for EU digital diplomacy specialists is to represent a group of countries to local audiences. There is minimal literature on this subject, and this paper hopes to contribute to it by presenting a case study of the EU's digital diplomacy initiatives towards Philippines, which are communicated through the popular social networking website, Facebook. This paper argues that the EU exercises its soft power through its social media transmissions it creates. The individuals featured in its online content, the way that the European Union represents itself, and the issues it highlights in its posts are all geared towards shaping the perceptions of Philippine audiences.

In the last couple of years, the concept of knowledge co-production has become more prominent. However, the meaning of the term and its relationship with the evidence-based policy (EBP) remains ambiguous. The main objectives of the review were to describe how the co-production of knowledge has been defined, the roles that individual actors can play in the process and the relationship between knowledge co-production and the evidence-based policy approach. The author asserted that the knowledge co-production was treated by the researchers both as a participatory research method and as an institutional solution for better policy implementation.

Due to amalgamation of Polish and EU systems, the shape of many public policies in the country is the consequence of decisions taken within the EU – but what is more important – with participation of Poles. Complexity of the challenges ahead demands making decisions that the society shall feel are acceptable, or even proceeded with their co-authorship. Relevantly high degree of cooperation, co-decision making and shared responsibility – between executive and legislative power and non-public entities, within political decision making, is important in order to get as properly stable as possible standpoint of Poland, and for efficient implementation. Because of that, the aim of this analysis is the search for the answer to the question whether within challenges that await the EU, we may find those, that will lay especially in the field of interest of Polish non-public entities. In addition – is it justified (and to what extend) to include in such cases those entities into processes of working out standpoints of Polish officials. With such a research objective a thesis is being advanced, that in Poland awareness of EU functioning mechanisms, but also the level of inclusion of non-public entities into political decision making, is little and in face of challenges awaiting the union it is necessary to raise it.

Due to amalgamation of Polish and EU systems, the shape of many public policies in the country is the consequence of decisions taken within the EU – but what is more important – with participation of Poles. Complexity of the challenges ahead demands making decisions that the society shall feel are acceptable, or even proceeded with their co-authorship. Relevantly high degree of cooperation, co-decision making and shared responsibility – between executive and legislative power and non-public entities, within political decision making, is important in order to get as properly stable as possible standpoint of Poland, and for efficient implementation. Because of that, the aim of this analysis is the search for the answer to the question whether within challenges that await the EU, we may find those, that will lay especially in the field of interest of Polish non-public entities. In addition – is it justified (and to what extend) to include in such cases those entities into processes of working out standpoints of Polish officials. With such a research objective a thesis is being advanced, that in Poland awareness of EU functioning mechanisms, but also the level of inclusion of non-public entities into political decision making, is little and in face of challenges awaiting the union it is necessary to raise it.

The article presents the reflection on current propositions regarding new ideas of the European integrity in the social and political literature of the last years. Having assumed that the present economic crisis concerning especially the common currency – euro, therefore the crisis touching the European Union member states directly, has provoked the serious identity problem of the European Union itself, many authors are looking for other visions and there is a whole range of them: from the Union breaking-up ("Good-bye Europe"), through the social contract (as with Rousseau), and the neo-empire (revival of the medieval empire), the post-national democracy (without national states, without Westphalian states) to close federation. As they do not have the character of realistic projects ready to be applied, one cannot omit them, because they are building the excellent doctrinal background to the European integration. ; Artykuł nie zawiera abstraktu w języku polskim

The situation during the current pandemic caused by COVID-19, this time of isolation, difficult health situations, and often familial and social trouble, increasingly provokes a reflection on the literature that is offered in the curriculum for pupils at early school age. My focus in this article is texts of audiovisual literature that use the code of new media and address the issue of dysfunction in the home, which can also be exacerbated in these difficult times. I am referring to the loneliness of a child, adults' disregard and misunderstanding of children, and domestic violence, but also the needs of people with mental disabilities and the situations of their relatives, especially the youngest ones. It is worth noting that guidelines formulated by the government for early literature classes were not based on or preceded by conversations with children in order to explore the aforementioned issues. Meanwhile, literature defined as a kind of thought laboratory, among other things, stands in opposition to governmental regulations. Especially in the current situation, students need literary works which speak to them through relevant content and through the media poetics to which contemporary children and adolescents are accustomed. A reflective teacher can use such books to guide the children to make a discovery about the world, find their own place the texts of identity audiovisual literature which, in building a narrative, fits into the categories of audiovisuality proposed by Adam Regiewicz and deals with the forementioned problems. ; Sytuacja związana z aktualnym czasem pandemii spowodowanej wirusem COVID -19, czas odizolowania, trudnych sytuacji zdrowotnych i niejednokrotnie społecznych, rodzinnych wywołuje ze zwiększoną siłą przemyślenia dotyczące literatury proponowanej uczniom w wieku wczesnoszkolnym oraz możliwości jej lektury na pierwszym etapie zorganizowanego kształcenia. Chodzi o teksty literatury audiowizualnej, wykorzystującej kod nowych mediów i koncentrujące się wokół tematyki związanej z problemem, który w czasie pandemii może być zwielokrotniony. Jest nim dysfunkcja domu rodzinnego, w której mieści się samotność i niezrozumienie najbliższych, potrzeby osoby dotkniętej upośledzeniem umysłowym, a nawet domowa przemoc. Jak dotąd, ministerialnie konstruowane wytyczne dla początkowej komunikacji literackiej nie proponują rozmów z dziećmi zgłębiających przywołane wyżej zagadnienia. Tymczasem literatura definiowana między innymi jako swoiste laboratorium myślowe stoi na stanowisku a contario do urzędniczego. Dodatkowo lektura młodszego ucznia wspólnie z dzisiejszą rzeczywistością upomina się o takie utwory, które za pośrednictwem medialnej poetyki, własnej treści i refleksyjnego nauczyciela pozwoli dziecku dokonać rozpoznania w świecie i jednocześnie uporać się z życiowymi trudami. Artykuł akcentuje teksty literatury audiowizualnej, tożsamościowej, korzystającej w budowaniu narracji z rozwiązań technologicznych oraz zajmujące się wspomnianą tematyką.

The author tries to prove the significance of including the factor of power in building theories of elites. It turns out that in many approaches the elite has been defined mostly and exclusively in terms of political power (Pareto, Mosca, Lasswell, Mills). Such an attitude followed from the adoption of "a priori" assumptions about the universality of dividing societies into those who govern and those governed (Italian scholars) and from empirical studies (especially Mills). Also the sociologists who stressed a highly diversified character of contemporary societies point to a great role of factors of a political character (Mannheim, Keller). Political power is not only an important criterion of stratifying the society but also of distinguishing the elite. Defining power appears to be very difficult. At present, with more and more diversified social structures, it is more difficult than several decades ago to indicate persons or groups who really (not nominally) are in authority. ; Digitalizacja i deponowanie archiwalnych zeszytów RPEiS sfinansowane przez MNiSW w ramach realizacji umowy nr 541/P-DUN/2016

Disability is one of the features that differentiate individuals and groups in modern societies. People with reduced physical, cognitive and psychological efficiency are particularly exposed to discrimination and social, economic and political exclusion. What's important social issue of people with disabilities in the early 21st century changes by entering into a relationship with the ageing of the population. Article aims to introduce some theoretical concepts efforts to improve the image of disability and reduce the barriers faced by persons with disabilities in access to different kinds of resources, spaces and opportunities. A critical analysis of the literature includes: description of the concept of activation policy as well as principles and objectives of social policy in a holistic paradigm of normalization. This summary contains possible future directions of research and analysis.