This paper describes the phenomenon 'predatory conferences', the characteristics of predatory conferences, and it describes the problems they cause for science. Predatory conferences fail to properly manage peer review, frequently have imaginary conference committee, do not operate any quality control, are unclear about payment requirements and about conference organizer or location. Towards the end of the paper it is discussed what can and should be done to eliminate or reduce the effects of predatory conferences.
The aim of this paper is to indicate a diverse nature of the issues investigated in public policy sciences, particularly emphasizing the importance of the health policy in explaining social reality. By resolving public problems, numerous needs of society, inter alia, health needs can be met. One of the sciences which explains social problems and public policy has an interest in is the health policy. Both the health policy and public policy have two dimensions, i.e. applicable and theoretical. In terms of 'applicable' one, active participation of all social life entities affecting awareness of developing health resources is vital. And in the theoretical one, as a science, health policy addresses theoretical problems related to satisfying health needs of individual and collective populations. However, in the existing definitions of the health policy, there is no reference to "health needs". One can only assume that this category is used intuitively as it is hard to imagine numerous activities and decisions taken without identifying the needs, so that the health system could meet them. Reverting to health policy in its practical sense it is crucial to teach the public responsibility for their own behavior towards health. Health education deals with the skills needed to care about health in an accountable and independent way. This kind of education plays an important part in the implementation of public policy since its task is not only to transfer knowledge, but also to develop skills to make informed choices and decisions and thus to shape a democratic society with an independent way of thinking. The applicable role of the health policy is to improve the management of the health sector. In this respect, the organization of the treatment process, which is to provide comprehensive medical care for patients and therefore to improve the existing relations of a public nature, is essential.
The aim of the article is to take a broader look at the current situation related to the implementation of 5G technology in Poland from a social perspective. The analysis was conducted in a broader context – Poles' attitudes towards science and technology as well as their knowledge about modern technologies. In addition to an analysis of the literature on the subject, the article will present the results of two parallel studies conducted using three research methods: the focus method, in-depth expert interviews and a questionnaire conducted on the basis of direct interviews at respondents' homes. The article reflects on, inter alia, questions about the attitudes of Poles to the development of science and technology, in particular to 5G technology, and whether the development of modern technologies is a cause of social anxiety among Poles. Research on the social perception of the 5G network in Poland shows that Poles are not familiar with 5G technology. Their ignorance results from poorly conducted technological education, insufficient public information provided by state authorities, public distrust of the authorities as an unreliable source of information, and the hermetic language used by telecommunications specialists. The disinformation aimed at delaying the implementation of this technology in Europe, also being related to the war over 5G technology between the United States and China, has a great impact on the negative perception of the 5G technology in Polish society.
Social cooperatives in the function of social enterprises are classified as a group of employers of the open labour market. In view of their specific functioning they prepare and offer some work places to people being away from the labour market. The article attempts to characterize and evaluate the existing funding opportunities for social economy enterprises in Poland on the example of social cooperatives of legal entities in the context of the development of social economy in the area of social policy understood as one of the components of public policy. This article is a review of the current scientific literature in the field of social entrepreneurship and current legislation on social cooperatives. The presented data suggests that currently, social cooperatives have various forms and sources of financing for their activities. They operate in the sphere of public utilities, filling the gap in the provision of publicly available services which cannot be filled by free market entities or state institutions. Their activity is financed mainly from own funds, which can be supplemented with financial support from the state budget or a local government unit as well as bank loans and the European Union fund.
In: Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej; The Impact of the Russian Federation upon the countries of Central and Eastern Europe, Volume 18, Issue 3, p. 93-114
Serbia inherited Yugoslavia's tendency to pursue its foreign policy in terms of "multi-vector" policy and balancing between the West and the East to achieve its own political goals and maintain the attention of other countries. Despite the desire to join the European Union, as officially declared by the state authorities, Serbia also strives to maintain a "strategic partnership" with Russia. This paper presents Russia's interests in the policy towards Serbia in the economic sphere over the years, starting from 1999. It points to the complexity of Serbian-Russian economic relations and their relationship with political issues. Russia, as a permanent member of the UN Security Council, can significantly affect Serbia's internal and foreign policy, making it dependent on guarding Serbia's sovereignty and territorial integrity and through the lack of recognition of Kosovo's independence by pursuing its own interests, manifested by an increasing Russian presence in the energy sector.
Digital diplomacy, also referred to as e-Diplomacy or Diplomacy 2.0, is a form of public diplomacy that entails the pursuance of foreign policy objectives using the Internet and social media. It is one of the ways that actors in contemporary global politics can exert soft power, thereby shaping a host country's perceptions, agendas, and policies. The increasing use of digital diplomacy exemplifies a shift in diplomatic from purely government-to-government (G2G) relations, to one in which communication is directed towards publics (G2P), and can even encourage citizens to interact with one another (P2P). One actor that has become increasingly active in this area is the European Union (EU). However, unlike a country, the regional bloc is a coalition of twenty-eight member states. Consequently, the challenge for EU digital diplomacy specialists is to represent a group of countries to local audiences. There is minimal literature on this subject, and this paper hopes to contribute to it by presenting a case study of the EU's digital diplomacy initiatives towards Philippines, which are communicated through the popular social networking website, Facebook. This paper argues that the EU exercises its soft power through its social media transmissions it creates. The individuals featured in its online content, the way that the European Union represents itself, and the issues it highlights in its posts are all geared towards shaping the perceptions of Philippine audiences.
This research focuses on the role played by youth religious organizations in the shaping of young people's social capital in Romania. Based on a series of interviews and focus groups with young people engaged in religious organizations and the leaders of those organizations, we find that youth religious socialization is an important process in creating or reinforcing social and political values, and thus, it may be conducive to social capital. Although nuanced comparisons across denominations are difficult to make due to the unavailability of data, a distinction seems to appear between Orthodox and Catholic religiously active youth. For example, while young people in Catholic organizations are encouraged to forge relationships with people outside their organizations (bridging social capital), those belonging to Orthodox groups tend to keep to themselves, and, at times, even employ a strict access policy for newcomers wanting to join (bonding social capital). Conclusions suggest the need to approach the effects of youth religious socialization in a nuanced way.
The aim of the article is to demonstrate how science and researchcooperation may help to reintegrate the Baltic region in the 21st century withthe participation of Russia. This is done through the analysis of documentsand strategies of Baltic Sea regionalism in the context of the regional knowledgeregime. Attention is paid to different positionalities of the regional actorsand their narratives. The theoretical framework is secured by an analysis ofcritical junctures drawing on case studies from the years 1989-91 and 2014 andthe subsequent reconfiguration of the power / knowledge nexus. The analysisshows that this reconfiguration actively contributes to creating and changingthe content and context of the Baltic Sea regionalism as based on new symbolic,economic, and political capitals. The conclusion points to the potentialof Russia's involvement in the co-creation of the regional knowledge regimeand defines the conditions and methods of possible cooperation.
House of social welfare is a place, people live in which from different respects in families strip capability of life. Determination of house of social equipment functioned as a closed total institution in sociology , which is place of stay of number of certain person isolated on longest period from the rest of society. Each self-governed unit leading stationary institution of social welfare should process program of serviceman of gradual liquidation or limitation of meaning of physical barrier and symbolic barrier on direct enclosing this institution.
Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie japońskiego soft power, ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem kultury jako jednego z czynników soft power. Japońska dyplomacja kulturalna wykorzystująca kulturę popularną jest przykładem zręcznie prowadzonej polityki międzynarodowej. Promowanie pozytywnego wizerunku państwa poprzez soft power na arenie międzynarodowej wzmacnia ekonomiczne oraz polityczne znaczenie państwa. Artykuł skupia się na dwóch kwestiach: historii japońskiego soft power oraz jego praktycznemu zastosowaniu. W podsumowaniu sugeruje się, że japoński soft power nie będzie tak znaczący z racji wzrastającego potencjału Chin.
The article aims to look at Russian culture as a soft power through the prism of the large-scale invasion of the Russian Federation against Ukraine and to analyze the changes in its perception that have occurred as a result of these events. Russian culture, especially high culture, is known and appreciated in the world, which gives it the power of attraction and the possibility of exerting influence. At the same time, it is not only a source of prestige and a tool for promoting Russia, but also spreading Russian imperial myths that contributed to the invasion of Ukraine. Moreover, the operation of Russian cultural institutions outside the borders of the Russian Federation is strictly controlled by the authorities, and its popularization is treated as a "special operation". Russian culture imposed imperial optics on the perception of "near abroad", deprived Ukraine of the right to its history, identity and cultural heritage. Due to its colonial nature, it does not perceive the suffering of oppressed nations, and is therefore unable to prevent the tragedy of their destruction, as is the case with Ukraine and its culture. As a result of the initiated war, Russia has embezzled some of its soft power. However, there is no consensus among the international community regarding the imposition of sanctions on Russian culture. Ukrainian cultural activists accuse the international community of hypocrisy because, in defending Russian culture, it does not perceive the deliberate and systematic destruction of Ukrainian culture. Russian culture requires a reinterpretation and unmasking of the imperial optics, as consuming it indiscriminately poses a threat to the national security of the "near abroad" states.
There are also theoretical issues such as: adequacy of this discipline of knowledge to the analysis of the realities of public action in Poland. This issue arises due to the fact that public policy emerged as a discipline of knowledge in the Anglo-Saxon tradition, on the basis of its specificity. Moreover, the theories evident in public policy science have been developed in the West, mainly in America. The local realities were the basis. Therefore, the question arises whether we should build our theories or adapt those that have been developed elsewhere. Meanwhile, we do not have many or even most elements of the Anglo-Saxon tradition, even in terms of the size of our analytical achievements. We are not even inclined to conduct such an advanced analysis of social and economic phenomena. Hence, it seems important to me to ask about the theoretical potential of this discipline in relation to the analysis of public activities in Poland.
The author analyses the pattern of governance of the right-wing parties in Poland between 2015 and 2019. It bears many features of a concentration of powers as a method of achieving desired goals in the sphere of political competition and public policy along with the use of informal components. The manifestation of concentration of power is centralisation, understood as the transfer of functions of the state from the lower (in particular local government) levels to the higher, as well as strong interference of the central government in many areas of public life that previously remained apolitical.
