Suchergebnisse

The paper analyzes the European Community/ European Union experience in the Western Balkans in the period from 1990 onwards in different context in order to assess different mechanisms which the European Union has gained with building the Common Foreign and Security Policy and within the Enlargement Policy in the process of conflict prevention and conflict resolution. Additionally, the paper makes an assessment of the EU's involvement in the conflict prevention and conflict resolution in the Balkans after the Stabilization and Association Process was launched in 1999. The authors argue that in the case of the military conflicts in the former Yugoslavia, when the European Community was confronted with serious and hard security issues at the very beginning of creating its Common Foreign and Security Policy and in a period of time when the region was not part of the enlargement process, the Community and the Union afterwards proved to be extremely ineffective. In the second part, through three case studies, the paper demonstrate that with the combined use of CFSP mechanisms and SAP, positive examples of the EU acting as a provider of peaceful dispute settlement in the Western Balkans have been established. ; The paper analyzes the European Community/ European Union experience in the Western Balkans in the period from 1990 onwards in different context in order to assess different mechanisms which the European Union has gained with building the Common Foreign and Security Policy and within the Enlargement Policy in the process of conflict prevention and conflict resolution. Additionally, the paper makes an assessment of the EU's involvement in the conflict prevention and conflict resolution in the Balkans after the Stabilization and Association Process was launched in 1999. The authors argue that in the case of the military conflicts in the former Yugoslavia, when the European Community was confronted with serious and hard security issues at the very beginning of creating its Common Foreign and Security Policy and in a period of time when the region was not part of the enlargement process, the Community and the Union afterwards proved to be extremely ineffective. In the second part, through three case studies, the paper demonstrate that with the combined use of CFSP mechanisms and SAP, positive examples of the EU acting as a provider of peaceful dispute settlement in the Western Balkans have been established.

This paper describes an attempt of a new methodological approach to the studying of the power structure in organizations. The first part comprises critical remarks directed to the most extensively used method of graphs of control based upon the examined subjects' perception of the existing power structure, (a) A small dispersion of results about some values is not necessarily an indicator of the validity, but perhaps of the generally accepted stereotype, (b) Perception also depends on a series of factors of social position and psychological state of examined subjects. Tending to avoid the disadvantages of the method of graphs of control, and to retain, however, a high degree of standardization, we have tried to create a method which would comprise these qualities. The research work has been carried out in two stages. The first stage consisted of a project based upon the observation with specially prepared forms as persons who contributed in the meetings of workers' councils. Objective data for all the respective persons were collected. In this way a complete picture of activity within the forum with prerogatives of bringing all the key decisions was obtained. However, even if this method offers a very detailed picture of the examined phenomenon, it is not fully satisfactory. As first, it is concentrated upon a fragment (segment) of a continuous process of decision making. Second, this method does not allow the identification of informal groups in organization which might have the key influence upon the decision making. Due to these reasons we have then created an instrument tending to cover the complete process of the decision making (including both formal and informal levels), allowing identification of all the key groups within organization, formal and informal, and being also maximally standardized. The first stage in the obtained scheme refers to the preparation of the decision making which comprises the overall social process before the formal act of the decision making. The second stage refers to the decision making itself. As last, there might appear the control, consisting of the initiative for the control implementation and the implementation itself. It is assumed that in all these various stages of the decision making process it is possible to identify persons actively participating in it. We are, however, primarily concerned with the following — which are the groups whose interests these persons represent. We will also try to analyse goals, strategies and effects of activity. In order to follow directly the overall process through which the decision making passes, we have relied upon the informants, well informed about respective organizations. Therefore this method represents a kind of a »key-men« technique, as we tried to reach persons who had such positions, this primarily through the industrial psychologists already extensively employed in industry and various other organizations. Obviously, there is always a problem of objectivity of such informants. This can be avoided in two ways: by requesting the informants to provide information only and by trying to maximally eliminate their evaluation, and also by the engage meant of several informants from the same organization.

Istraživanja u slovenskim poduzećima pokazuju da se u sedamdesetim godinama oligarhijska struktura moći u poduzeću nije promijenila. To potvrđuju percepcije ispitanika o strukturi moći i vlastitoj nemoći. Malo značenje sindikata za socijalnu organizaciju poduzeća vidi se iz činjenice da je većina radnika koji se ne smatraju članovima sindikata. To, također, potvrđuju podaci istraživanja koji govore o nereprezentativnosti sindikata. Na drugoj strani, radnici priželjkuju njegovu zaštitiničku ulogu. Članak upozorava na ulogu dominantne koalicije moći pri nedemokratičnom izboru samoupravnih organa i analizira ideologiju samoupravljanja kao faktor neinstitucionalizirane socijalne stratifikacije. ; The research of Slovenian enterprises reveals that the oligarchical structure of power in the enterprise has not changed in the seventies. It is verified by the perceptions of respondents on the structure of power and their own powerlessness. The meager significance of trade-unions for the social organization of the enterprise is evident from the fact that the majority of workers do not consider themselves to be members of the trade-union. Furthermore, it is verified by the research results which demonstrate non-representativeness of trade-unions. On the other hand, workers desire the protective role of trade-union. The article cautions about the role of the dominant power- -coalition in non-democratic elections of self-management bodies and analyses the ideology of self-management as a factor of non-institutionalized social stratification.

Razvoj zelenog socijalnog rada odvija se paralelno s ekološkim aktivizmom na globalnoj razini. Socijalni rad u Hrvatskoj u procesu je integriranja ekološkog pristupa u svakodnevne aktivnosti, pružanja usluga korisnicima i zagovaranja prava na zdrav okoliš. Nevladine organizacije građana aktivno sudjeluju u oblikovanju javnih politika na lokalnoj razini i šire, te unose održive promjene u zajednicu. Potreba da se socijalni radnici uključe u rješavanje ekoloških problema i izgradnju održivosti u zajednicama sve je vidljivija na globalnoj i lokalnoj razini. Prirodni svijet koji nas okružuje, primjerice klimatski uvjeti, uvelike određuju kakvi su prirodni resursi kojima raspolažemo. Socijalni radnik ne može zaobići činjenicu da raznolikosti ugrožavaju birokratski pristup koji se do sada koristio pa treba biti dovoljno tolerantan i osjetljiv za raznolikosti. Centraliziranim pristupom resursi se rijetko stavljaju tamo gdje su najviše potrebni što umanjuje sposobnost zajednice da se brine za sebe. Kako bismo se uspješno suočavali s izazovima i neuravnoteženosti u prirodnom okolišu, potrebno je razvijati i postaviti na odgovarajuću razinu otpornost zajednica. ; The development of green social work goes hand in hand with ecological activism on a global scale. Social work in Croatia has not yet integrated the ecological approach to everyday activities, providing services to users or advocating the right to a healthy environment. Non-governmental organizations of citizens actively participate in shaping public policies at local and wider level and contributing to sustainable change in the community. The need to involve social workers in solving environmental problems and building community sustainability is increasingly visible at the global and local level. The natural world around us, for example, climatic conditions largely determines what kind of natural resources we have. A social worker cannot overlook the fact that diversity endangers the bureaucratic approach that has hitherto been used, and should be sufficiently tolerant and sensitive to diversity. With a centralized approach, resources are rarely placed where they are most needed and thus undermine the community's ability to take care of themselves. In order to successfully face challenges and imbalances in the natural environment, community resistance needs to be developed.

Rad iznosi djelomične nalaze istraživanja hrvatskog narodnjaštva, tj. etnonacionalizma kao religije (u smislu ljudskog izmišljanja svetog).* Praktični su problemi sljedeći: narodnjaštvo kao religija, koja među ostalim uključuje to da narod ima mogućnost i/ili sposobnost da se razvije u nositelja države i da treba to i da postane; posljedice narodnjaštva, a to su nedostižnost narodne demokracije, narodne privrede i narodnog sazrijevanja; vjere u narod, i to prvenstveno Katoličke crkve u Hrvatskoj kao uvjeta od 1961. do 1971. te prije i nakon toga, naročito nakon 1990. Teorijski su problemi, tj. neodgovarajuće znanstveno znanje o praktičnima, sljedeći: prvo, odluke Ustavnog suda Republike Hrvatske o etničkim i vjerskim zajednicama; drugo, sustavna historija prava i države Hrvatske i Jugoslavije 1945.-1990.; treće, preobrazba komunizma i katolicizma u narodnjaštvo; četvrto i peto, društvena struktura i predstavljanje/zastupanje. Da bi se postigla opća svrha istraživačkog projekta, a to je upotreba razuma u javnim poslovima, istraživanje je provedeno u teorijsko-metodologijskom okviru integralne teorije prava i države koji uključuje prilagođenu Lasswellovu i McDougalovu političku analizu proširenu historijskim institucionalizmom i kritičkom teorijom prava. Glavna je hipoteza da je vjera u narod kao nositelja države izražena i ustanovljena odredbama Ustava RH da je RH nastala samoodređenjem naroda i/ili da je nacionalna država jednog ili više naroda; da je narod suveren; da pravo na državljanstvo RH imaju pripadnici određenog ili određenih naroda; da pripadnici određenog ili određenih naroda imaju posebna politička prava itd. Dopunska je hipoteza da je puku RH ili, pravno određenije, da je stanovnicima RH s biračkim pravom u RH smanjena vlast, a time i moć u odlučivanju o članstvu RH u transnacionalnim organizacijama, naime NATO-u i EU, te su oni sami svedeni na pravno neprepoznatljiv sastojak time što se u RH ne zna tko čini bilo puk bilo ustav. ; The paper reports partial findings of a research project into Croatian ethnonationalism (Croatian: narodnjaštvo) as a religion (in the sense of a human invention of the sacred). The practical problems are as follows: ethnonationalism as a religion, which implies inter alia that an ethnic community (Croatian: narod) has the potential and/or capacity to develop into, and ought to become, a substratum of the (nation-)state; consequences of ethnonationalism, which include the unattainability of ethnic democracy, ethnic economy and ethnic maturity; conditions of Croatian ethnonationalism, primarily the Catholic Church as a condition in 1961-1971, and also before and after the period, especially since 1990. The theoretical problems, i.e. inadequacies in scholarly knowledge of the practical problems, include inter alia Croatian Constitutional law, esp. jurisprudence of the Croatian Constitutional Court, on powers of ethnicities and disabilities of the people. To attain the general goal of the research project, which is the use of reason in public affairs, the research is carried out within the theoretical and methodological Framework of an integral theory of law and state which includes a modified Lasswell and McDougal's policy analysis expanded by historical institutionalism and critical theory. The paper attempts to demonstrate that there is strong evidence to support the following two chiefly descriptive hypotheses, which are ideal types and as such cannot be supported by conclusive evidence. The main hypothesis is that the faith in a narod as a substratum of the state is expressed and established by the provisions of the Croatian Constitution stating that the Republic of Croatia was created by the self-determination of a narod and/or is a nation-state of a narod, or of two or several narodi; a narod is sovereign; adherents of a narod have the right to Croatian nationality; adherents of a narod have special political rights, etc. The auxiliary hypothesis is that the people (Croatian: puk) or, juridically more precise, inhabitants of the Republic of Croatia with the right to vote have lost a part of their power to decide on the membership of the Republic of Croatia in transnational organisations, namely, NATO and EU, and have been reduced to a legally unrecognizable entity by virtue of the fact that in the Republic of Croatia it is not known what makes either its people or its constitution.

Ovaj se rad bavi jezičnom politikom i društvenim promjenama koje su se dogodile u Hrvatskoj za vrijeme i nakon rata koji je trajao od 1991. do 1995. godine. Počinjem opisom povijesne pozadine, rata i devedesetih godina 20. stoljeća, koje je obilježila velika količina jezičnog purizma i preskriptivizma u Hrvatskoj te stvaranje postjugoslavenskih država u kojima je pripadanje naciji predstavljalo ključ za definiranje državljanstva. Istraživanjem odnosa između promjena u jezičnom i društvenom poretku, problematiziram više tema. Tvrdim da je zakonski okvir prava manjinskog jezika osnažio i legitimizirao nacionalistički imaginarij, stvarajući daljnje društvene podjele i učvršćujući hijerarhije koje među nacionalnim kategorijama promoviraju određeni nacionalisti. Iz tog razloga, tvrdim da nekritičko odobravanje ili promoviranje lingvističke različitosti mogu biti opasni. Nadalje, u aktivističko-antropološkom smislu, razlažem moguće razloge zbog kojih su znanstvenici društvenih i humanističkih znanosti rijetko sudjelovali u sociolingvističkim raspravama koje se tiču novog hrvatskog standardnog jezika. Tvrdim da bi takvim raspravama u znatnoj mjeri doprinijelo sudjelovanje znanstvenika humanističkih i društvenih znanosti, jer bi se stvorila veza između sociolingvistike i ostalih grana humanističkih i društvenih znanosti te bi se tako odmaknuli od, prema mojem sudu problematične, politike usredotočene na "identitet". ; This paper focuses on language policy and social changes which have taken place in Croatia during and since the 1991-5 war. I first describe the historical background, the war and the nineties being marked by excesses of linguistic purism and prescriptivism, alongside the formation of post-Yugoslav states in which national belonging was key to defining citizenship. Through examining the relationship between changing linguistic and social orders, I raise a number of issues for discussion. I argue that the legal framework of minority language rights has consolidated and legitimated a nationalist imaginary, increasing social divisions and reinforcing hierarchies asserted by some nationalists between national categories. For this reason, I suggest that the uncritical endorsement of or promotion of linguistic diversity can be dangerous. Second, in an activist-anthropological vein, I discuss possible reasons why academics trained in the social sciences and humanities have rarely participated in sociolinguistic debates concerning the new Croatian standard. I suggest such discussions could greatly benefit from interventions by social scientists, so as to bring sociolinguistics into contact with other strands of the social sciences and humanities and move away from what I believe to be a problematic policy focus on "identity".

This article aims to examine the importance of an often overlooked argument when it comes to explaining why great powers go to war against a weaker actor. This argument involves great power status considerations. The article argues that states care deeply about their status, especially states which are current and former great powers, and would opt to go to war to preserve this status even if the political and military consequences of such intervention are negligible to objective observers. To illustrate this argument, I will be looking at why the British decided to reestablish their sovereignty over the Falklands in 1982. The empirical part of the analysis is based on formerly secret documents declassified by the British government. This qualitative primary analysis of British documents provides new insights about the crisis and suggests that status considerations played a large role in the British decision to re-conquer the Falklands. ; This article aims to examine the importance of an often overlooked argument when it comes to explaining why great powers go to war against a weaker actor. This argument involves great power status considerations. The article argues that states care deeply about their status, especially states which are current and former great powers, and would opt to go to war to preserve this status even if the political and military consequences of such intervention are negligible to objective observers. To illustrate this argument, I will be looking at why the British decided to reestablish their sovereignty over the Falklands in 1982. The empirical part of the analysis is based on formerly secret documents declassified by the British government. This qualitative primary analysis of British documents provides new insights about the crisis and suggests that status considerations played a large role in the British decision to re-conquer the Falklands.

Kako primjereno politologijski istražiti, prikazati i vrednovati povijest i sadašnje stanje politologije u Hrvatskoj? Tekst se fokusira na pomno razmatranje predmeta znanosti o politici – što je politika? – kao pretpostavke znanstveno primjerenog odgovora na dvojbu o stručnoj profilaciji studija i polaznika studija-politologa. A u tom sklopu, na smisao određenja politologije kao "znanosti o općenitosti" i politologa kao "stručnjaka za općenitost". Objašnjava se smisao, teorijski i kontekstualni, tih određenja (Prpić, 1969), vrednuju njegove pretpostavke, domašaji i ograničenja. Dramatična, teorijska i praktična, dvojba s kojom nas je Prpić suočio neprevladiva je u povijesnom kontekstu demokratske države, s obzirom na svojstvenu joj epohalnu ambivalenciju. Pri čemu se pokazuje nesuvislost dileme između množine i jednine: politička znanost u singularu sluškinja je političke moći, a političke znanosti tek metaznanstvena humanistička kritika postojećeg svijeta, što znači da znanost o politici ne valja ni u singularu ni u pluralu. Kada je znanstvena i stručna, tada je opasna po političku slobodu, kada je pak humanistička i ne-stručna tada je nemoćna i suvišna. Politolog je pak ili "stručnjak za posebnost", etički i vrijednosno neutralni sluga političke moći, ili pak pretenciozni misionar. Izlaz iz začaranog kruga: znanost o politici, u plodnoj i nezamjenjivoj dvojini metodički osloniti na novo načelo konstitucije zajednice, koje je imanentna kritika i prevladavanje moderne demokratske države i građanskog društva. Time se osnažuje i shvaćanje političke znanosti kao "znanosti o općenitosti". Znanost o općenitosti kao znanost o političkome tvori se u autonomiji (ali i komplementarnosti) spram znanosti o "općosti" (filozofije, etike i prava) i spram znanosti o posebnosti (posebnih sektora političkoga i društvenog bitka). Općenito je zbiljsko samo u odnosu spram općega, kao oposebljenje općega, i u odnosu spram posebnoga, kao poopćavanje posebnoga. Čime se suzbija opasnost od prividne općenitosti, kao bahate pretenzije ...

Leaving aside Hobbes's ideological preferences in the conflict regarding the structure of the English political body in the 17th century, the text deals with the way in which democracy is valued in his key theoretical-political works. The author does this on two levels: first, he examines the status of democracy within the framework of Hobbes's doctrine of state forms. In spite of some of its shortcomings, in none of the three variants of his science of politics does Hobbes deem that there is a rational justification for discarding democracy as one of three equally ranked forms of state. Second, the author inquires into the more general thesis of the democratic character of Hobbes's understanding of the state regardless of its form. Various elements of Hobbes's science of politics are thereby taken into account: legal equality of parties to the social contract, their status as authors of sovereign power, their freedom as subjects and the duties of the sovereign. The analysis thereof points to the necessity of a differentiated answer to the question regarding the democratic character of Hobbes's theory of state. Adapted from the source document.

U radu se nastoji pokazati kakva je bila uloga pripadnica gradske elite u zagrebačkome Gradecu. Upozorava se da su, iako direktno nisu sudjelovale u gradskoj vlasti, bile usko povezane s njezinim nositeljima. Govori se o njihovoj ulozi u prijenosu vlasništva i društvenoga ugleda kao i stvaranju političkih veza te time i formiranju gradske elite. ; Although women in medieval towns could not participate neither in the city government nor in the election of the city officers, they had influence in the shaping of the urban elite, as is demonstrated in this article on the example of Zagreb Gradec. Women in the medieval city of Zagreb were able to obtain the full right citizenship, which allowed them certain privileges. Besides that, they were treated equally to male heirs according to the inheritance law. They were also treated equally in many other aspects of the urban life such as trade or in the city court. Some women were among the richest inhabitants of the city community, as were Francisca Donati, Margareta Rybarica, Katarina, the widow of Sigismund Mauri, or Katarina Soldinar. Furthemore, the usual way of integration of the new members of the urban elite was marriage into a family which already belonged to the urban elite, whether by marrying a daughter of the prominent citizen who was a judge or a juror, or by marrying a widow of the former member of the elite. Good marriage often proved to be more useful for political climb than regular kinship ties by blood. In that way, prominent women played a great role in the integration or consolidation of the urban elite.