The subject of the study is the theoretical aspects of one of the important elements of the theory of de–shadowing of power – power relations to limit the shadow clan influence on the effectiveness of elite power, its consolidation through the introduction of strategic action (based on British experience). The purpose of the study is to determine the content of methods to limit the shadow clan influence on the effectiveness of elite power in the system of shadow «autonomous» state, the introduction in Ukraine of a modern model of power with the subject of strategic action. Methods of research. The work uses a set of scientific methods and approaches, including system, structural, functional, historical, logical, which allowed to provide a conceptual unity of research regarding the initial conditions of the formation of shadow power. Results of the work. The article substantiates the need to counteract the influence of elite, clan, shadow power in the form of shadow «autonomous» power on the internal processes of shadowing dual power, limiting their destructive influence by means of transition to a model of power with a consolidated subject of strategic action. Application of results. The system of sciences from the family of the field of public administration, a wide range of methodological aspects of social and economic, legal sciences on the problems of dysfunctional development of the research object, the investment aspect of the security policy. Conclusions. The main results of the study, their theoretical results should be reduced to the following main conclusions about the Great Britain experience in building an effective system of government: 1) elite Great Britain power, which operates in the form of shadow «autonomous» power, based on aristocratic clan roots; in domestic conditions the new elite shadow power is deprived of aristocratic roots of clans, is based, for the most part, on criminal experience of development of clans, criminogenic forms of activity; 2) Britain managed to ensure the ...
The article is devoted to the idea of humanization of education, science, politics, power, and society. The author determines the main approaches towards formation of humanistic paradigm of 21st century, the ways of its realization, and the factors of humanization of society in the context of contemporary progress of humankind. ; У статті аналізуються концепції гуманізаціїосвіти, науки, політики, влади,суспільства; обґрунтовуються концептуальніпідходи до формування гуманістичноїпарадигми XXI століття; основнінапрямки реалізації гуманізації політики,влади, суспільства; шляхи формування гуманітарноїпарадигми суспільства, факторигуманізації суспільства в контекстісучасного цивілізованого прогресу людства
The paper analyzes the approaches of several notable researchers to the issue whether social media promotes democracy. It generalizes some of the crucial theoretical arguments, elaborated by these scholars, and divides them into two groups – cyber-optimists and cyber-skeptics. The fi rst group of scholars argues that social media has become coordinating tools for almost all modern world political movements – from broad and nationwide to small and local, – while the second questions its ability to produce any pro-democratic changes per se. In the end the paper proposes a theoretical framework, in which the relationship between social media and political institutions can be analyzed. In particular, it argues that social media causes merging between mass and interpersonal communication, and, in doing so, challenges the link between media and political institutions, which, according to the classic book "Four Theories of the Press" (F. Siebert, T. Peterson and W. Schramm), characterized media in the epoch of traditional broadcast and printed outlets.
The subject of progress is the theoretical aspects of progress of ownership of a system of galvanic social and economic progress, effective reform of suspension of business activities. The purpose of the study is to determine the content of power shadow processes of antimodernization development. Methods of research. A set of scientific methods and approaches, including systematic, historical, logical, was applied in the work, which made it possible to provide the conceptual unity of the research. Results of the work. The article substantiates the need to counteract the systematic shadowing of power relations, overcoming the development of processes of accelerated development of «autonomous» shadow power as the main shadowing factor of reform. Application of results. The system of sciences from the field of public administration, a wide range of socio–economic sciences with problems of dysfunctional development. Conclusions. The main results of the study and its theoretical results can be summarized as follows: 1) the initial megaproblem of studying the shadowing power mechanisms is the problem of power dysfunctions in Ukraine as a system of slowing down socio–economic progress, effective reform of social relations, power; 2) one of the fundamental aspects of the study is the conclusion that the construction of the theory of shadowing power as a base position requires the development of a special trend, attractor of antimodernization development inherent in the relations of shadowing power, power reform.
The article deals with current historiography of the research program of modernization in Western – mostly US – academic literature. The article stresses the importance of the theory's reputation for its success or failure. The paper traces the origins of the critique of the discourse of modernization. The interrelation between academic scholarship and ideological partisanship is being examined. It is argued that ideology is an integral part of academic discourse, so the task of academics is not to get rid of ideology but to control it and keep within reasonable boundaries. The topicality of the issue raised in the article is determined by the hegemony of neo-liberal thinking which is a descendant of modernization theory with its belief in the exemplar nature of the Western experience. The article juxtaposes two mutually exclusive approaches to modernization theory, that of E.Tiryakian and I. Wallerstein. While the former is advocating the worthiness of modernization theory on grounds of its intellectual prowess, the latter is claiming that the idea of modernization was ideology, not a theory and as such was stillborn. Thus, they arrive at mutually opposite conclusions – the revival of modernization theory versus its burial. The article examines the vast literature on the origins, developmental history and political connections of modernization theory. The involvement of the founders of the modernization theory into the policy making towards the Third World is discussed. The role of modernization theory in buttressing the US policy during Vietnam War is revealed.It is argued that reputation of the scientific theory is critical to its reception and survival. The modernization theory today in Western nations is faced with radical left rejection, liberal critique and uncritical apology. At the same time there is a dangerous trend in Ukraine when the modernization theory is being perceived and (ab)used in a ritualistic manner. This is posture towards modernization research program should be combated by means of restoring value of rational discourse and selective appropriation of the legacy of the idea of modernization. ; Стаття розглядає сучасну історіографію дослідницької програми модернізації у закордонній - переважно американській – суспільствознавчій літературі. Стаття простежує походження критики дискурсу модернізації, визначає взаємовідношення між науковою теорією і партійною ідеологією в рамках дослідницької програми модернізації. Стаття вибудовує типологію підходів до теорії модернізації: ліворадикальний заперечення, ліберальну критику і некритичну апологію, а також пропонує визначити впливову тенденцію сприйняття теорії модернізації в Україну як рітуалізований культ.
The subject of the work is the theoretical aspects of one of the core elements of the theory of shadowing of power – the study of its vertical structure as a complex of internal, stable, dynamic, shadow connections between subsystems and elements of a holistic shadow system of power. The purpose of the study is to define the content of the concept of «vertical structure of shadow power» as a complex of dependent shadow metasystems, subsystems, elements and components of power and their properties, the dynamic interaction between which and the external and internal environment forms the shadow power system as a new integrative non–transparent integrity. Methods of research. The work uses a set of scientific methods and approaches, including systemic, structural–functional, historical, logical, which allowed to ensure the conceptual unity of the study on the initial conditions for the formation of the structure of the shadow government. Results of work. The article substantiates the need to counteract the strong influence of the shadow vertical structure of power, limit and localize risks and dangers from the sources and emergence of the goals of the shadow power, identify general patterns of development of the vertical structure of shadowing power mechanisms in Ukraine. Application of results. The system of sciences from the family of public administration, a wide range of methodological aspects of socio–economic, legal sciences on the problems of dysfunctional development of the object of study and the means of their localization and limitation. Conclusions. The main results of the study, their theoretical results should be summarized as follows: 1) a megaproblem of studying the functioning of shadow power mechanisms, their vertical structure are the initial shadow contradictions of power, in particular the formation of «autonomous shadow dual power» in combination with a system of powerful external supranational and neo–imperialist shadow government; 2) one of the main conclusions of the study is the conclusion ...
The subject of research is the theoretical aspects of the mechanisms of shadow business and political intelligence in the structure of informal elite supranational relations, its importance in the system of state policy in the field of security of a totalitarian state by secret informal means. The purpose of the study is to determine the content of informal processes in the national security structure, as an important segment of the elite shadow power business and intelligence activities. Methods of research. The paper uses a set of scientific methods and approaches, including systemic, structural–functional, historical, logical, which allowed to ensure the conceptual unity of the study on the initial conditions for the formation of shadow elite financial intelligence activities. Results of the work. The article substantiates the need for further study of an important element of external shadow management – informal elite cross–border intelligence, their impact on the official spectrum of state policy, the need to develop this segment of intelligence by appropriate national security, taking into account the latest conditions. Application of results. The system of sciences from the family of public administration, a wide range of methodological aspects of socio–economic, legal sciences of national security on the problems of dysfunctional development of the object of study. Conclusions. The main results of the study, their theoretical results should be summarized as follows: 1) the megaproblem of the study is the conclusion about the existence of the initial shadow contradictions of development, in particular the existence of strong informal connections of the shadow intelligence nature of the establishment of the establishment of different countries of their business and political elite; 2) attention should be paid to the extremely strong potential of the influence of these ties on the official political sphere and their ability to solve many fundamentally important problems of the state; 3) it is necessary to ...
The problems of studying and analysis of the characteristics of the judicial power as a social system have been researched. Analyzing the current state of scientific developments and legislation, the author makes the conclusion that only some elements are regulated, certain facets of the institution of the judicial power are researched, and the systemic approval of the characteristics of the judicial power remains at the desired level. This is a number of changes that take place within the framework of modern judicial reform in Ukraine, which determine the need for a deep theoretical understanding of the main features of the judicial power as a social system. In accordance with the title and outlined problem of the research, the author tried to apply a methodology for studying the features of the judicial power that allows focusing on the study of the institution of the judicial power in the whole as a social system. It is about the systemic study format. In the framework of this work, the author has obtained the following results: 1)it was established that an integrated approach to the definition and unity of understanding the nature of the characteristics of the judicial power as a social system had not been achieved yet; 2) scholars either studied certain features of the judicial power or their works were focused on separate elements of the study of their legal nature in the whole, or general features of the judicial power were studied as one of the branch of state power; 3) current theoretical points of view on the essence of the characteristics of the judicial power as a social system were generalized; 4) it was found out that the system attributes were offered to divide into certain groups: (a) characterizing the internal structure of the system; characterizing specific system properties; belonging to the general behavior of the system; (b) the internal characteristics of the judicial system; external properties of the judicial system; 5) the main features of the judicial power as a social system were singled out and named; 6) it was proved that the characteristics of the judicial power as a social system were multiple, diverse and multifaceted. It has been summarized that there is a need for further detailed and comprehensive study of the characteristics of the judicial power. ; Досліджено проблематику вивчення та аналізу ознак судової влади як соціальної системи. Розглянуто сутність поняття системи в цілому, яке покладено в основу дослідження поняття судової системи та її ознак як соціальної системи. Установлено причини існування різних поглядів щодо встановлення обсягу поняття ознак судової влади як соціальної системи. Узагальнено сучасні теоретичні погляди на сутність ознак судової влади як соціальної системи. Із застосуванням системного підходу до вивчення інституту судової влади виокремлено та названо основні ознаки судової влади як соціальної системи.
During the last twenty years the concept of «social capital», which is built on the intuition that social ties and relations can serve as a useful resource for individuals and society, actively takes positions in the social sciences. The research program of social capital synthesizes various theoretical paradigms, going beyond those academic and ideological frameworks in which it arises. From the areas of theoretical sociology, and economic theory, where the concept of social capital is constructed, the theory goes into the policymaking, combines the perspectives of economic, sociological and political science.The limits of application of concepts of social capital in research practice through the reference to the history of concepts and theories were comprehended. Determined, that the critical importance of social capital for social theory is the result of claims for an interdisciplinary significance. Critical view of such interdisciplinary perspectives points to the ideological and methodological limitations of the use of some concepts of social capital. However, the undisputed fact of this research program, based on the integrative tendencies of a unified science of society. Consequences deriving from the social capital are identified in the margins of various disciplines. In the political sphere – is civil engagement and institutional effectiveness, in economics – the reduction of transaction costs, in social sphere – cohesion and solidarity, or even life satisfaction and well-being. The broad range of the research program of social capital at different levels of social phenomena stretches from the perspectives of historical macrosociology to micro-perspectives of network analysis. Within the framework of the research program is no consensus on how to operationalize and measure social capital, which significantly reduces the prospects of its indicators use in the determination the steps of policies. ; Осмыслено границы применения концепций социального капитала в исследовательской практике через обращение к истории понятия и теории. Определено, что исключительная важность понятия социального капитала для социальной теории является следствием существующих претензий на междисциплинарную значимость. Критический взгляд на такие междисциплинарные перспективы оказывает на идеологическую и методологическую ограниченность потребления отдельных концепций социального капитала наряду с неоспоримым фактом нахождения этой исследовательской программы в основе интегративных тенденций единой науки об обществе. ; Осмислено межі застосування концепцій соціального капіталу в дослідницькій практиці через звернення до історії поняття та теорії. Визначено, що виняткова важливість поняття соціального капіталу для соціальної теорії є наслідком існуючих претензій на міждисциплінарну значущість.Критичний погляд на такі міждисциплінарні перспективи вказує на ідеологічну й методологічну обмеженість вжитку окремих концепцій соціального капіталу поряд з беззаперечним фактом знаходження цієї дослідницької програми в осерді інтегративних тенденцій єдиної науки про суспільство.
Problem setting. There is evidence that Political power plays a crucial role in regulating social processes. But it is also a difficult concept to understand and define. That's why this phenomenon has been studied by many researchers using different methods and absolutely different scientific approaches, what has made it an ambigious term. It causes an actuality of synthesizing the most significant innovative concepts into unite theoretical background.Resent research and publication analysis. Previous research has established that Political power is related to Power of law. A number of cross-sectional studies suggest an association between Political power and Public governance, State Power. The issue has been a controversial and much disputed subject within the multidisciplinary field of sociological, culturelogical, psychological and even linguistical researches. As a result, this concept has recently been challenged by postmodernist's studies demonstrating its hidden features. We should notice a big number of scholars, from M. Faucault and P. Bourdieu to S. Lukes and K. Dowding, whose developments in the field of Cratology have led to a renewed interest in political power. Paper objective. The purpose of this investigation is to explore the innovative approaches to political power understanding and to give own definition of this phenomenon. Paper main body. The methodological approach taken in this study is a mixed methodology based on qualitative and quantative, theoretical and empirical studies. The overall structure of the study takes the form of two conditional parts. The first part of this paper examines the innovative approaches to general power understanding. In the section we are proving that power is based on information. The second part also begins by laying out the theoretical dimensions of the research, and looks what is political power at postmodernist's context. In summary, information is seemed to be the most efficient power resource, because it touches each part of people existence. Conclusions ...
This article examines complexity theories and their applicability for social studies. Once these theories revealed complex system of autopoietic self-organization, nonlinearity and far from equilibrium social theoretics were encouraged to apply complexity methodology to investigate social complexity in a frame of political studies, sociology, international relations and other social disciplines.As a particular case, the article studies John Urry's profound contributions to complexity theoretical shifts in social science. He was not only one of the most important British sociologists, but also a scholar network builder and public intellectual who changed the face of British, and indeed global, social theory. Known as a creator of the new mobility paradigm associated with a 'Lancaster School', he stands in contrast to the empiricist traditions inAmerican and British social sciences, while struggling for post-disciplinary approach against the hierarchies of academic departments, and their disciplinary closure. This also explains his critique of conventional sociology and its division from the natural sciences.J. Urry was primarily a macro-level thinker concerned with systems and global processes. Therefore, his project starts with complexity theory and its implications in terms of global complexity, complexity of social sciences in opposition to its previous linearity and structure/agent duality. J. Urry argues for breaking down the division between 'natural' and 'social' sciences, since both are characterized by complexity This complexity turn led Urry directly into his conceptualization of mobilities as a second theoretical turn, which deals with dynamic urban forms and automobility. Finally, a third theoretical turn in his thinking is geo-ecological. Here J. Urry is acting as a micro-level theorist of the body, leisure, consuming, tourism and nature. Tracing this trajectory of his theoretical evolution is more informative for it moves us from his early recognition of large-scaled complexity into reconsidered human-scaled problems of how we ought to live in the world.Key words: social and natural sciences, theory of complex systems, chaos theory, mobility, John Urry. ; У статті аналізуються теорії складності (complexity theories) з точки зору доцільності їх використання в дослідженнях соціальних теоретиків. Відкриття можливості вивчення складних систем, яким притаманні властивості самоорганізації як аутопойезису, нелійності та стану нерівноваги, спонукало соціальних теоретиків до використання інструментарію науки про складність у дослідженнях соціальної складності в межах політології, соціології, міжнародних відносинах та інших дисциплінах про суспільство та людину.В якості конкретного прикладу розглядається відповідний внесок у соціальну теорію соціолога Джона Уррі. Всупереч емпіричній та позитивістській традиції він запропонував пост-дисциплінарний підхід на підставі того, що як соціальні, так і природничі науки характеризуються належністю до складних систем. Наш аналіз еволюції його поглядів фіксує в якості її початкового і фундаментального етапу саме теорію складності. Її можна назвати головним поворотом, який Дж. Уррі здійснив у соціальній теорії. Всі інші його інновації, зокрема теорія соціальної мобільності та геоекологічний підхід у питаннях природи, планетарного споживання і людського тіла, стали закономірним наслідком цього фокусу на теорії складності.Ключові слова: соціальні та природничі науки, теорії складності, теорії хаосу, мобільність. Джон Уррі. В статье анализируются теории сложности (complexity theories) с точки зрения обоснованности их использования в исследованиях социальных теоретиков. Открытие возможности изучения сложных систем, которые обладают свойствами самоорганизации как аутопоэзиса, нелинейности и неравновесности подтолкнуло социальных теоретиков к использованию этого инструментария в изучении социальных сложных систем в рамках политологии, социологии, международных отношений и других дисциплин об обществе и человеке.В качестве конкретного примера рассматривается соответствующий вклад в социальную теорию социолога Дж. Урри. В противовес эмпирической и позитивистской традиции он отстаивает пост-дисциплинарный подход, исходя из того, что и социальные, и естественные науки характеризуются принадлежностью к сложным системам. Наш анализ эволюции его взглядов фиксирует в качестве ее стартового и фундаментального этапа именно теорию сложностей. Ее можно назвать главным поворотом, который Дж. Урри совершил в социальной теории. Все другие его инновации, в частности теория социальной мобильности и гео-экологический подход подход в вопросах природы, планетарного потребления и человеческого тела, стали лишь закономерным следствием этой сфокусированности на теории сложных системКлючевые слова: социальные и естественные науки, теория сложных систем, теория хаоса, мобильность, Джон Урри. This article examines complexity theories and their applicability for social studies. Once these theories revealed complex system of autopoietic self-organization, nonlinearity and far from equilibrium social theoretics were encouraged to apply complexity methodology to investigate social complexity in a frame of political studies, sociology, international relations and other social disciplines.As a particular case, the article studies John Urry's profound contributions to complexity theoretical shifts in social science. He was not only one of the most important British sociologists, but also a scholar network builder and public intellectual who changed the face of British, and indeed global, social theory. Known as a creator of the new mobility paradigm associated with a 'Lancaster School', he stands in contrast to the empiricist traditions inAmerican and British social sciences, while struggling for post-disciplinary approach against the hierarchies of academic departments, and their disciplinary closure. This also explains his critique of conventional sociology and its division from the natural sciences.J. Urry was primarily a macro-level thinker concerned with systems and global processes. Therefore, his project starts with complexity theory and its implications in terms of global complexity, complexity of social sciences in opposition to its previous linearity and structure/agent duality. J. Urry argues for breaking down the division between 'natural' and 'social' sciences, since both are characterized by complexity This complexity turn led Urry directly into his conceptualization of mobilities as a second theoretical turn, which deals with dynamic urban forms and automobility. Finally, a third theoretical turn in his thinking is geo-ecological. Here J. Urry is acting as a micro-level theorist of the body, leisure, consuming, tourism and nature. Tracing this trajectory of his theoretical evolution is more informative for it moves us from his early recognition of large-scaled complexity into reconsidered human-scaled problems of how we ought to live in the world.Key words: social and natural sciences, theory of complex systems, chaos theory, mobility, John Urry.
The aim of the article is to discuss the criteria of social prestige of the subjects of social power inUkrainian society. It is substantiated that social power in Ukraine is represented mainly by its politicalsphere. The author has separated two levels of constituent elements of power – a "personal" and a"social" one. It is supposed that social prestige of subjects of power in Ukraine is dependent on itspersuasive argumentation to satisfy the essential needs of population.Key words: social prestige, subjects of power, social power, criteria of prestige of power, deficiency. ; Розкрито критерії соціального престижу суб'єктів влади в українському суспільстві.Обґрунтовано, що соціальна влада в Україні зосереджена, насамперед, у політичній сфері.Виокремлено два рівні критеріїв соціального престижу – "особистісний" та "соціальний".Висловлено припущення, що в сучасному українському суспільстві соціальний престиж суб'єктіввлади залежить від переконливої аргументації можливості задоволення нагальних потреб населення.Ключові слова: соціальний престиж, суб'єкти влади, соціальна влада, критерії престижу влади,дефіцитарність.
In modern conditions the information power directly bind with formation of an information society, in which information becomes the main economic resource, and the information sector comes out on the top on rate of growth. The intellectual property becomes the main form of ownership, a human capital becomes the important; an information becomes a subject of mass consumption, the new legal bases of functioning of an information society are formed. Now, freedom of speech and information on the basis of the rule of law and the respect of human rights are the main postulates of the creation of a civil society, the statement of a real democracy. Therefore, the limits of the existence of the information power have to be agreed with the rights and the freedoms of a person. So, the right for access to information becomes one of inalienable rights of a human and a citizen. A priority task of the Ukrainian state is the ensuring the freedom of speech, the freedom of an information, the right for expression of opinion and the citizen`s position, the right for the receipt and the dissemination of the reliable information without obstacles. The essence of information power comes down to the ability to disseminate through the media and the interpersonal communication of certain ideas. The right to access information becomes one of the inalienable human and citizen rights. The priority task of the Ukrainian state is to ensure freedom of speech, freedom of information, the right to express the opinion and position of a citizen, the right to receive and impart reliable information without hindrance. The most important for the further development of Ukrainian society is the interaction of the state power with the information power. In modern conditions information power has a decisive influence on the various spheres of social development, which transforms many political and state institutions. The effectiveness of state power largely depends on the comprehensive regulation of information relations, which determines the nature of its interaction with the information power. ; Формування інформаційної влади безпосередньо пов'язане зі становленням інформаційного суспільства, в якому інформація стає головним економічним ресурсом, а інформаційний сектор виходить на перше місце за темпами зростання. Інтелектуальна власність стає основною формою власності, важливим стає людський капітал; інформація стає предметом масового споживання, формуються нові правові основи функціонування інформаційного суспільства. Тепер свобода слова та інформації на засадах верховенства права та повага прав людини - це основні постулати створення громадянського суспільства, заява про справжню демократію. Тому межі існування інформаційної влади мають бути узгоджені з правами та свободами людини. Отже, право на доступ до інформації стає одним з невід'ємних прав людини і громадянина. Пріоритетним завданням Української держави є забезпечення свободи слова, свободи інформації, права на висловлення думок та позиції громадянина, права на отримання та поширення достовірної інформації без перешкод. Суть інформаційної влади зводиться до здатності поширення за допомогою засобів масової інформації та міжособистісного спілкування певних ідей. Право на доступ до інформації стає одним з невід'ємних прав людини і громадянина. Пріоритетним завданням української держави є забезпечення свободи слова, свободи інформації, право на вираження думки і позиції громадянина, право на отримання і поширення достовірної інформації без перешкод. Найважливіше значення для подальшого розвитку українського суспільства полягає у взаємодії державної влади з інформаційною владою. В сучасних умовах інформаційна влада визначальним чином впливає на різні сфери суспільного розвитку, що трансформує багато політичних та державних інститутів. Ефективність державної влади багато в чому залежить від всебічного регулювання інформаційних відносин, що визначає характер її взаємодії з інформаційною владою.
The subject of research is the theoretical aspects of the development of shadow autonomous power structure as a phenomenon of incomplete modernization in the information age, the patterns of its curvature, growth, shadow hybrid influences, accelerating the development of criminal macro– mechanisms of shadow redistribution of property and power, as inhibiting development factors. The purpose of the study is to further discursive study of the essence and causal complex of the shadow aspects of power processes, including the shadow elite among the multitude of shadow parallel spaces as factors enhancing innovation and criminogenic phenomena in the power sphere – the system of inhibiting, retrograde development factors. Methods of research. The paper uses a set of scientific methods and approaches, including systemic, historical, logical, which allowed to ensure the conceptual unity and effectiveness of the research. Results of the work. The article substantiates the need for a systemic study of the processes of shadowing of power, on which the development of parallel shadow reality is most significant, modern dangers of the development of the «top» of shadow power processes are investigated as inhibiting factors of social development. Application of results. The system of sciences from the field of government, economic security, law, a wide range of problems of socio–economic sciences from the study of dysfunctional development. Conclusions. The main conclusions of the study can be reduced to the formulation: 1) among the polysystems of modern power parallel realities, the special information destructive place is occupied by the shadow information parallel reality – the shadow autonomous power parallel para–society; 2) syncretism (hybridization) of power and oligarchic business is a powerful sectoral macro–social shadow groupings of parallel realities that monopolize the state–power resource in favor of the clan– power dominant structure; 3) the shadow power space acquires the features of a hybrid conflict; 4) in ...
The study of political power as a public policy component requires addressing the following issues: first - this is a problem of categories, and the second - a combination of the theory of power and theories of public policy, and the third - the problem of adaptation of existing methodological approaches to the study of contemporary political and power relations in different types of systems and the formation of new theories. Political power as a public policy component can be viewed through a variety of methodological approaches: behaviouralism, systematic, non-institutional, network, elite, etc. But in spite of the vast array of works on the theme of public authority, it remains controversial among researchers and requires a new theoretical understanding. The traditional conceptualization of power was seen in political science through the prism of authority and resource capabilities and represented primarily as a public authority. ; Исследование политической власти как компонента публичной политики требует решения следующих проблем: первая - это проблема категорий, вторая - сочетание теории власти и теорий публичной политики и третья - проблема адаптации уже существующих методологических подходов для исследования современных политико-властных отношений в различных типах систем и формирования новых теорий. Политическая власть как компонент публичной политики может рассматриваться с помощью различных методологических подходов: бихевиорализма, системного, неинституционального, сетевого, элитарного и др. Но несмотря на огромный массив работ по теме публичной власти, она остается дискуссионной среди исследователей и требует нового теоретического осмысления. Традиционная концептуализация власти рассматривалась в политической науке через призму авторитета и ресурсной возможности и представлена преимущественно как государственная власть. В центре научных дискуссий западных политологов оказалось концепция о соотношении «власти над» и «власти для», которые находятся в постоянной диалектической связи. Данная концепция полезна для понимания сути публичной власти особенно через понимание интеркусивнои власти. ; Дослідження політичної влади як компонента публічної політики вимагає вирішення наступних проблем: перша - це проблема категорій, друга - поєднання теорій влади і теорій публічної політики і третя - проблема адаптації вже існуючих методологічних підходів для дослідження сучасних політико-владних відносин в різних типах систем і формування нових теорій. Політична влада як компонент публічної політики може розглядатися за допомогою різних методологічних підходів: біґевіоралізму, системного, неінституціонального, мережевого, елітарного ті ін., але незважаючи на величезний масив робіт по темі публічної влади, вона залишається дискусійною серед дослідників і потребує нового теоретичного осмислення. Традиційна концептуалізація влади розглядалася в політичній науці через призму авторитету та ресурсної можливості і представлена переважно як державна влада. В центрі наукових дискусій західних політологів опинилося концепція про співвідношення «влади над» і «влади для», які знаходяться в постійному діалектичному зв'язку. корисна для розуміння суті публічної влади особливо через концепт інтеркусивної влади.
