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AbstractThe number of internally forcibly displaced persons is growing every year across the globe and exceeds the number of refugees. To date, Ukraine has the highest number of internally displaced persons (IDPs) in Europe, with about 1.4 million people forced to flee from the conflict in eastern Ukraine. Employing Massey's concept of 'power geometry', the modalities of borders, and taking an intersectional approach, this article theorizes how IDPs are situated politically within a protracted conflict. Such an approach offers the chance to see how the reaction to the war brings authorities to see displaced people as a static category and reproduces a war-lexicon in policies, which fractures the space of everyday life. Drawing upon qualitative research on IDPs, the civil society, international organizations, and public officials in Ukraine, the article concludes that intersections of gender and older age with displacement, and the lack of state recognition of these differing groups of IDPs, together with the lack of the economic resources for social policy, produces multiple forms of social exclusion.

The globalization of Sydney and its rise to world city status tell us a profoundly political story that presents critical challenges both in terms of local development and long-term sustainability. Green is at the centre of this imagineering, which situates environmental sustainability at the core of Sydney's competitive and innovative edge. Yet the Harbour City, while rising to worldwide fame, has also been progressively troubled by wicked challenges that question its increasingly entrepreneurial and largely unproblematized approach to urban governance. At present, the metropolis has tackled these challenges by means of ad hoc solutions and policy-making processes that, on deeper analysis, reveal little coordination beyond an impetus for growth as the driver of collective action at the urban scale. Due to the lack of a clear metropolis-wide authority and the multiscalar nature of urban governance, the city has turned too much towards tackling sustainability within its urban dimension as a source of global competitiveness, while social polarization questions are steadily advancing to the forefront. It is time, I argue, for a Greater Sydney Authority.

The globalization of Sydney and its rise to world city status tell us a profoundly political story that presents critical challenges both in terms of local development and long-term sustainability. Green is at the centre of this imagineering, which situates environmental sustainability at the core of Sydney's competitive and innovative edge. Yet the Harbour City, while rising to worldwide fame, has also been progressively troubled by wicked challenges that question its increasingly entrepreneurial and largely unproblematized approach to urban governance. At present, the metropolis has tackled these challenges by means of ad hoc solutions and policy-making processes that, on deeper analysis, reveal little coordination beyond an impetus for growth as the driver of collective action at the urban scale. Due to the lack of a clear metropolis-wide authority and the multiscalar nature of urban governance, the city has turned too much towards tackling sustainability within its urban dimension as a source of global competitiveness, while social polarization questions are steadily advancing to the forefront. It is time, I argue, for a Greater Sydney Authority.

AbstractThe globalization of Sydney and its rise to world city status tell us a profoundly political story that presents critical challenges both in terms of local development and long‐term sustainability. Green is at the centre of this imagineering, which situates environmental sustainability at the core of Sydney's competitive and innovative edge. Yet the Harbour City, while rising to worldwide fame, has also been progressively troubled by wicked challenges that question its increasingly entrepreneurial and largely unproblematized approach to urban governance. At present, the metropolis has tackled these challenges by means of ad hoc solutions and policy‐making processes that, on deeper analysis, reveal little coordination beyond an impetus for growth as the driver of collective action at the urban scale. Due to the lack of a clear metropolis‐wide authority and the multiscalar nature of urban governance, the city has turned too much towards tackling sustainability within its urban dimension as a source of global competitiveness, while social polarization questions are steadily advancing to the forefront. It is time, I argue, for a Greater Sydney Authority.RésuméLa mondialisation de Sydney et son ascension au rang de ville mondiale racontent une histoire profondément politique où apparaissent des problèmes cruciaux, à la fois en termes de développement local et de viabilitéà long terme. Défini comme pivot de cet 'ingéniomaginaire' ou imagineering, le thème 'vert' place la viabilité environnementale au cœur de l'avantage compétitif et novateur de Sydney. Pourtant, tout en bâtissant sa renommée mondiale, 'Harbour City' a peu à peu rencontré des 'problèmes pernicieux' qui menacent son approche de plus en plus entrepreneuriale de la gouvernance urbaine, approche dont la problématique est largement ignorée. La métropole a répondu à ces difficultés par des solutions ponctuelles et des processus de décision politique qui, une fois analysés en profondeur, révèlent une faible coordination hormis l'élan en faveur de la croissance comme moteur de l'action collective à l'échelon urbain. En l'absence d'autorité métropolitaine claire et à cause des multiples échelons de gouvernance, la ville s'est trop intéressée à la durabilité dans sa dimension urbaine en tant que source de compétitivité mondiale, alors que des problèmes de polarisation sociale prennent peu à peu le devant de la scène. Il est temps que soit instaurée une 'Autorité du Grand Sydney'.

Can memory be manipulated? How far can the will to remember resist the manipulation of the hierarchy? Isolation and exclusion are still useful as disciplinary tools of power. Since this is the case, what role do so-called public spaces serve in memorializing certain isolated histories while separating and thus excluding others? If memory spaces exist in correlation with loss of memory, can searching for traces underneath the layers be the worst enemy of forgetting? How can the search for traces in official spatial histories reveal whose memory is being prioritized as truthful historical account and whose memory has been forgotten? Official spatial histories demand that certain memories are forgotten and thus delegitimized; does this render the readings of spaces as alternative memorialization meaningless? If so, does trying to create memory spaces cause monumentality independent from memory? Does the very act of formalizing spaces of memory create a certain monumentality independent from those who remember it? How will urban geographies, condemned to be symbolic spaces of politics, resist this?

This is an Accepted Manuscript of an article published by Taylor & Francis in Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies on 02/11/2016, available online: https://doi.org/10.1080/1369183X.2016.1249054 ; This paper seeks to contribute to debates on ethnic identification and migration through a focus on a specific group – Russian-speakers from the Baltic state of Latvia who have migrated to the UK. Twenty-six interviews with members of this group were gathered in London and the wider metropolitan area during 2012 and 2014. Russian-speakers represent uniquely combined configurations of 'the other within': in most cases, they are EU citizens with full rights; yet, some still hold non-citizens' passports of Latvia. While in Latvian politics Russian-speakers are framed as 'others' whose identities are shaped by the influence of Russia, interview findings confirm that they do not display belonging to contemporary Russia. However, London is the 'third space' – a multicultural European metropolis – which provides new opportunities for negotiating ethnic identification. Against the background of triple 'alienation' (from Latvia, from Russia and from the UK) we analyse how ethnicity is narrated intersectionally with other categories such as age and class. The findings show that Russian-speaking migrants from Latvia mobilise their Europeanness and Russianness beyond alienating notions of (ethno)national identity. The paper also demonstrates that being open to ethnicity as a category of practice helps us towards a progressive conceptualisation of often overlooked dimensions of integration of intra-EU linguistic 'others'.

Despite the many useful applications of power indices, the literature on power indices is raft with counterintuitive results or paradoxes, as well as real-life institutions that exhibit these behaviors. This has led to a cataloging of sorts where new and different paradoxes are calculated and then shown to exist in nature. Even though the paradoxes sound different from one another with names like the paradox of redistribution, the donor and transfer paradoxes, the paradox of quarreling members, the paradox of a new member, and the paradox of large size, they can be classified by the underlying geometric properties that induce the counterintuitive results. Perhaps surprisingly, analyzing the geometry behind the paradoxes for three voters is sufficient to understand the geometry behind the paradoxes. Voting power induces a partition on games where two games are in the same part if each player i has the same power in each game. The paradoxes are a result of three geometric ideas and how they interact with the partition: a point passing a hyperplane thereby changing parts, moving hyperplanes that change the size or number of parts in a partition, and changing the dimension of the space by adding or subtracting a voter.