Folket och presidenten: en författningspolitisk studie
In: Bidrag till kännedom av Finlands natur och folk 132
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In: Bidrag till kännedom av Finlands natur och folk 132
In: Statsvetenskaplig tidskrift, Band 105, Heft 4, S. 273-295
ISSN: 0039-0747
From comparative research on the constitutional development in Central & Eastern Europe & also from the long-standing debate on whether parliamentarism or presidentialism best facilitates democracy, it is apparent that there has been & continues to be, a certain degree of confusion concerning the concepts of semi-presidentialism & presidentialism. Different scholars mean different things by the terms & therefore classify countries differently. In this article I argue that the conceptual dichotomy between pro-premiar (premier-presidentialism) & pro-president systems (president-parliamentary systems) provide the best solution to several of the problems related to categorizing constitutional types, most importantly perhaps to the presidential power dilemma. I, furthermore, employ these concepts on the post-communist constitutional systems & try to reveal patterns with regard to presidential power, geographical region & democratzsation. 6 Tables, 3 Figures, 51 References. Adapted from the source document.
Ukraine has repeatedly shifted between the two sub-types of semi-presidentialism, i.e. between premier-presidentialism and president-parliamentarism. The aim of this article is to discuss to what extent theoretical arguments against premier-presidential and president-parliamentary systems are relevant for understanding the shifting directions of the Ukrainian regime. As a point of departure, I formulate three main claims from the literature: 1) "President-parliamentarism is less conducive to democratization than premier-presidentialism."; 2) "Semi-presidentialism in both its variants have built-in incitements for intra-executive conflict between the president and the prime minister."; 3) "Semi-presidentialism in general, and president-parliamentarism in particular, encourages presidentialization of political parties." I conclude from the study's empirical overview that the president-parliamentary system– the constitutional arrangement with the most dismal record of democratization – has been instrumental in strengthening presidential dominance and authoritarian tendencies. The premier-presidential period 2006–2010 was by no means smooth and stable, but the presidential dominance weakened and the survival of the government was firmly anchored in the parliament. During this period, there were also indications of a gradual strengthening of institutional capacity among the main political parties and the parliament began to emerge as a significant political arena.
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The President of Croatia is elected to a five-year term by a direct vote of all citizens, with a majority vote required to win. Since Croatia's independence the country has got three elected presidents. The first presidential election was held on 2 August 1992 and resulted in victory for Franjo Tuđman of the HDZ, who received 57.8 percent of the vote in the first round of the election. Tuđman introduced a semi-presidential system and won the second term in 1997. The next two presidential elections took place in 2000 and in 2005 and Stjepan Mesić, the candidate of the Croatian People's Party won the office. In 2010 Ivo Josipović became the 3rd President of Croatia, becoming the first social democratic president since the independence of the country. On 11th January 2015, in the second round Croatians people elected Kolinda Grabar-Kitarović a member of the center-right Croatian Democratic Union (HDZ) as the new President of the Republic of Croatia. Her main opponent in the runoff was the outgoing president Ivo Josipović nominated by the center-left Social Democratic Party (SDP) and supported by the government's parties. This election gathers a lot of records: for the first time a woman has been elected President, for the first time the outgoing President is not confirmed for a second mandate and Grabar-Kitarović is the first HDZ 's President after Tuđman. In addition the presidential election regarded as the foreplay to the more pressing and important upcoming November parliamentary election and there could be lots of changes at political level.
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While authoritarian presidents prevail under heavily president-oriented constitutions throughout the post-Soviet region, democracy along parliamentary lines triumphs in Central Europe. This article discusses the constitutional pattern among the post-communist countries on the basis of two general questions: First, how can we explain why strong presidential constitutions dominate throughout the post-Soviet region whereas constrained presidencies and governments anchored in parliament have become the prevailing option in Central Europe? Second, and interlinked with the first question, why have so many post-communist countries (in the post-Soviet region as well as in Central Europe) chosen neither parliamentarism nor presidentialism, but instead semi-presidential arrangements whereby a directly elected president is provided with considerable powers and coexists with a prime minister? The analysis indicates that both historical-institutional and actor-oriented factors are relevant here. Key factors have been regime transition, pre-communist era constitutions and leaders, as well as short-term economic and political considerations. With differing strengths and in partly different ways, these factors seem to have affected the actors' preferences and final constitutional compromises.
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The prior aim of the paper is to present the next station of the enlargement process of the European Union, the chances and challenges of the Croatian accession after the democratic transformation. The study is about to investigate how an old-and-new state is searching for its identity, and what a bumpy road does it have to cope with in order to get to be part of the European space. Two phases of the whole integration process could be separated. The first term is from the declaration of independence (26 June 1991) till the death of president Franjo Tudjman (10 Dec 1999), when beyond building a democratic country and state, Croatia also tried to identify and manage the priorities of its independent foreign policy. The next phase is mainly characterised by the development and deepening of relations between the EU and Croatia from the death of the president on, when the substantial investigations started between Croatia and the European Union, and are still in progress.
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The aim of the study is to present the European Parliamentary elections taking place on 22 May 2014. The first part of the study focuses on the results, the Europeans and the Hungarian as well. The turnout was almost the same as last elections in 2009, but the balance of power has been shifted slightly. The political groups have remained almost the same like before. The European People's Party lost several mandates, the Socialists and the Greens managed to maintain almost the same size of group with a small loss, while the liberals lost the biggest. The European Conservatives became the third biggest political group in the newly elected European Parliament. The left wing parties are also the winners of this election: the GUE/NGL succeeded to gain several new seats. The study also shows how the newly elected European Parliament (EP) held its inauguration session. The first step was the formation of the different political groups. Then, during its inauguration session held in Strasbourg, the new members of the parliament elected the President, the 14 Vice-Presidents, and the quaestors. In addition, the essay gives a short outlook to the ongoing institutional changes, mainly concentrating on the new European Commission.
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