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The United States Electoral College system is explained. Written six months prior to the 2008 US Presidential election, a multiple state analysis is presented to predict which states will be crucial to the Presidential election. The geographical analysis is based on opinion polls. Other issues considered important to the outcome in each state are the state of economy, the unpopularity of the current President, the war in Iraq, and the status of fundraising efforts. Historical shifts in individual states are discussed, with a focus on those that do not have a consistent history of voting consistent democrat or republican during the past four elections. The states are divided into segments of those Obama is likely to win, those McCain is likely to win, and those that are undecided. The undecided states are discussed according to geographic region; North, South, East, and West. It is concluded that the outcome of the election is unpredictable and various Electoral College votes scenarios are presented. Tables, Figures, Charts, References. E. Sundby

The author examines the power of superdelegates to exert disproportionate influence on the selection of the Democratic nominee for president. It is asserted that superdelegates consist dominantly of the party elite or party machine and are primarily white males, which it is further argued goes to the heart of the elitist concept of American exceptionalism. The history of American exceptionalism is examined. The introduction of superdelegates into the Democratic Party nomination process and front-loading of state elections to influence the nomination process are discussed as examples of exceptionalist politics. Campaign financing and spending is discussed, including the issue of campaign finance reform. One perspective presented on superdelegates is that they are intended to balance out the liberal tendencies of the average democrat voter in the primary election to promote the nomination of a moderate candidate. References. E. Sundby

Amerikanske presidenters balansering melloni ulike liberale verdier basert pa enten involvering eller beherskelse har store implikasjoner for utformingen av utenrikspolitikken. I denne artikkelen viser jeg, gjennom tekstanalytiske metoder, hvordan amerikanske presidenter vektlegger de to tradisjonene 'tilbakeholden' og 'ekspansiv' liberalisme i sine State of the Union-taler. Tilnaermingen er todelt: forst kartlegger jeg synet pa utenrikspolitikk gjennom innholdsanalyse. Deretter brakes ideanalyse for a vise hvilke av de to liberalismetypene seks av presidentene artikulerer. Funnene indikerer at det har skjedd en dreining fra en balansert tilnaerming mot mer overvekt pa ekspansive ideer. Denne dreiningen knyttes opp mot de kollektive tradisjonene forst skissert i Monroe-doktrinen og i 'Roosevelt corollary' Presidents' balance between liberal values based on imposition and restraint have major implications for foreign policy outcomes. In this article, I use text analytical tools to show how American presidents weigh Liberalism of Imposition and Liberalism of Restraint differently in State of the Union speeches. I use content analysis to map the focus on foreign policy and, based on a coding scheme, ideational analysis to assess which of the liberal traditions are more vocal in six of the speeches. Findings indicate that a shift has occurred from a balanced approach to more imposition-based ideas. Furthermore, I argue that these ideas can be traced back to the collective traditions drawn in the Monroe doctrine and Roosevelt corollary. Adapted from the source document.

The article presents an outline of Syrian domestic & foreign policy after the ascendancy of Bashar al-Assad to power last summer, following the death of his father, Hafiz al-Assad. It emphasizes the continuity that has marked Syrian politics despite expectations that Bashar al-Assad's presidency would lead to a more reform-oriented & moderate Syrian regime. The article focuses on the challenges facing Bashar al-Assad at home & abroad. It discusses Bashar al-Assad's consolidation of power & the half-hearted reform process in Syria. A larger emphasis, however, is put on the challenges stemming from abroad, notably the growing challenge to Syria's presence in Lebanon & the tensions with Israel. 28 References. Adapted from the source document.

This article examines how John McCain has formed his foreign policy and what the world can expect should McCain become the next US President. A summary of McCain's military career is included, with a focus on his years as a prisoner of war in Vietnam. McCain's voting record on foreign policy issues is examined and inconsistencies are pointed out and explained. It is argued that the threat of terrorism will be McCain's major focus in foreign policy, and that he will likely focus on spreading democracy and fighting tyranny to increase security. There is a summary of McCain's stance on a number on foreign policy issues, including radical Islam groups, the war on terror, Iraq, Iran, the UN, NATO, a League of Democracies, and global warming, as well as a discussion of limitations to the President's ability to conduct foreign policy, including military capacity, economic limitations, and political support. It is concluded that McCain would be based on spreading American moral values and democracy, and that his administration would largely continue the foreign policies of the Bush administration. References. E. Sundby

This article summarizes Barack Obama's foreign policy during his short political career and labels his foreign policy as a mix of expansionism, realism, and institutionalism. A brief biography of Barack Obama is included to address Obama's views of the global community and history. Obama's views on Iraq, the war against terrorism, Iran, the UN, NATO, nuclear weapons, and climate change are examined. It is argued that Obama will be limited by circumstances in his ability to conduct foreign policy according to his convictions. Four examples are provided to illustrate actions desired by Obama but limited by circumstance, including a reform of the UN security council, nuclear disarmament, ratification of the US agreement with the International Court of Justice, and prevention of humanitarian disasters. It is suggested that Obama may prove to have individual strengths, including extraordinary powers of persuasion and inspiration, to overcome limitations and make a mark on history. The author speculates whether Obama's overall foreign policy objective will be peace or moral perfection. References. E. Sundby