Suchergebnisse

The issue analysed by the author is that of the institution of Presidential immunity pertaining to the President of the Republic of Poland, and operating in such a way that a sitting President cannot be held criminally liable before a common court for acts tantamount to offences. Inclining towards the essence of this solution and its consequences when it comes to respect for constitutional principles of legalism and equality before the law, the author at the same time seeks to assess the completeness of the provisions in effect in Poland, in so doing identifying a lack of clear directives as to how a former President (i.e. one who has left office) is to be held criminally liable. The conclusion reached by the author can be said to boil down to a recognition that the liability of a former President before Poland's Tribunal of State for offences or crimes committed is of an accessory nature where common courts are concerned, with the condition underpinning recognition of the Tribunal's primacy in matters of jurisdiction being the National Assembly's adoption of a Resolution holding a former President liable constitutionally, and potentially at the same time initiating action in respect of given offences. Any lack of such a National Assembly Resolution must give rise to a particular kind of reactivation – in respect of the former President – of jurisdiction in the dispensing of justice by common courts, given the fact that one of the negative procedural premises has ceased to be non-applicable. Thus, unlike in the case of a President still holding office, the cognition of the Tribunal of State in relation to a former President is neither exclusive nor automatic. Such observations have also stimulated work by the author to develop de lege ferenda postulates regarding the subject matter, as set against the wider background of Poland's political and constitutional system.

The subject matter of the essay is the tasks of the President of the Energy Regulatory Authority in relation to energy policy in Poland. The essay is divided into two parts. The first part presents basic information about the national regulatory authority, regulation and kinds of energy policy. The second focuses on the tasks of the President of the Energy Regulatory Authority in various areas, such as: energy effectiveness, energy security, renewable forms of energy and competition in the energy market. The article examines the tasks carried out by the President in the past and those which must come into force in the future to modernize the Polish energy market. Finally, the author thrashes out the legal relations between the functions of the President of the Energy Regulatory Authority and the aims mentioned in Polish energy policy. The author pays special attention to the problems of liberalisation in the energy market in Poland.

From comparative research on the constitutional development in Central & Eastern Europe & also from the long-standing debate on whether parliamentarism or presidentialism best facilitates democracy, it is apparent that there has been & continues to be, a certain degree of confusion concerning the concepts of semi-presidentialism & presidentialism. Different scholars mean different things by the terms & therefore classify countries differently. In this article I argue that the conceptual dichotomy between pro-premiar (premier-presidentialism) & pro-president systems (president-parliamentary systems) provide the best solution to several of the problems related to categorizing constitutional types, most importantly perhaps to the presidential power dilemma. I, furthermore, employ these concepts on the post-communist constitutional systems & try to reveal patterns with regard to presidential power, geographical region & democratzsation. 6 Tables, 3 Figures, 51 References. Adapted from the source document.

Dalia Grybauskaitė została wybrana na prezydenta Litwy w 2009 r. Od tego czasu używa żeńskiej wersji rzeczownika "president' – prezidentė". Chociaż prezydent na Litwie ma ograniczone prawa konstytucyjne, to jednak Grybauskaitė zdołała wykorzystać możliwości wzmocnienia swojej pozycji. Mimo że wywodzi się z partii komunistycznej, zawarła sojusz po-lityczny z litewskimi partiami prawicowymi. Jej priorytetem było zmniejszenie zależności Litwy od USA. Niemniej jednak rozwój sytuacji między-narodowej po roku 2013 sprawił, że Grybauskaitė zmieniła swoje plany. Od tego czasu znana jest ze swoich wrogich wystąpień przeciwko Rosji. Podczas kampanii prezydenckiej w 2014 r. została oskarżona o agenturalne związki z KGB w okresie przed odrodzeniem niepodległości. Pomimo tych oskarżeń ponownie wygrała wybory. ; Dalia Grybauskaitė was elected the president of Lithuania in 2009. Since then there has been used a female version of the noun 'president' – prezidentė. The president in Lithuania has limited constitutional rights. However, Grybauskaitė managed to take advantage of the opportunities to strengthen her position. Even though she derives from the communist party, she made political alliance with the Lithuanian right-wing parties. Her priority was to reduce Lithuanian dependence on the USA. Nevertheless, the development of the international situation after 2013 made Grybauskaitė change her plans. Since then she has been renown for her hostile speeches against Russia. During her presidential campaign in 2014 Grybauskaitė was accused of being KGB agent in the past. None-theless, despite the accusations Grybauskaitė won the election again.

Dalia Grybauskaitė została wybrana na prezydenta Litwy w 2009 r. Od tego czasu używa żeńskiej wersji rzeczownika "president' – prezidentė". Chociaż prezydent na Litwie ma ograniczone prawa konstytucyjne, to jednak Grybauskaitė zdołała wykorzystać możliwości wzmocnienia swojej pozycji. Mimo że wywodzi się z partii komunistycznej, zawarła sojusz po-lityczny z litewskimi partiami prawicowymi. Jej priorytetem było zmniejszenie zależności Litwy od USA. Niemniej jednak rozwój sytuacji między-narodowej po roku 2013 sprawił, że Grybauskaitė zmieniła swoje plany. Od tego czasu znana jest ze swoich wrogich wystąpień przeciwko Rosji. Podczas kampanii prezydenckiej w 2014 r. została oskarżona o agenturalne związki z KGB w okresie przed odrodzeniem niepodległości. Pomimo tych oskarżeń ponownie wygrała wybory. ; Dalia Grybauskaitė was elected the president of Lithuania in 2009. Since then there has been used a female version of the noun 'president' – prezidentė. The president in Lithuania has limited constitutional rights. However, Grybauskaitė managed to take advantage of the opportunities to strengthen her position. Even though she derives from the communist party, she made political alliance with the Lithuanian right-wing parties. Her priority was to reduce Lithuanian dependence on the USA. Nevertheless, the development of the international situation after 2013 made Grybauskaitė change her plans. Since then she has been renown for her hostile speeches against Russia. During her presidential campaign in 2014 Grybauskaitė was accused of being KGB agent in the past. None-theless, despite the accusations Grybauskaitė won the election again.

Poland's National Security Council (Rada Bezpieczeństwa Narodowego, RBN) is defined in the country's Constitution as organ doradczy Prezydenta Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej w zakresie wewnętrznego i zewnętrznego bezpieczeństwa państwa (officially translating into: "the advisory organ to the President of the Republic regarding internal and external security of the State"). Against that background, this article uses analysis of policy practice as it seeks to explain whether the NSC truly plays that role of advisory organ, or is more in the nature of a coordinating-and-consulting body. To address this research topic, three areas have been identified for broader and deeper consideration, i.e. the means of selecting Council Members, the frequency with which Sittings have been convened, and the subject matter addressed at those Sittings.

The article provides an analysis of the powers of the President of the Republic of Poland, which may have an impact on counteracting and moderating constitutional crises and constitutional rot. It aims to describe the potential actions that the head of state may take in a constitutional crisis to restore the stabilization of the state and the constitutional order with its values. The study also includes a reflection on the influence of the style of the presidency on the effectiveness of arbitration.

Celem jest zaprezentowanie stosunku prezydentów RP na uchodźstwie do obchodów świąt narodowych, jak rocznica uchwalenia Konstytucji 3 maja 1791 r. czy odzyskania niepodległości 11 XI 1918 r. Autor podsumował cele oraz sposoby świętowania przez głowy państwa w latach 1939–1990. Uwzględnione zostały medialne echa tych poczynań. W efekcie udało się uchwycić specyfikę obchodów w kolejnych kadencjach. Autor stawia tezę o istotnym ich znaczeniu nie tylko dla podtrzymania polskości na obczyźnie, ale także dla gry politycznej w wymiarze wewnętrznym i na arenie międzynarodowej. The aim of the study is to present the attitude of the Polish presidents in exile to the celebration of national holidays, such as the anniversary of the Constitution of 3 May 1791, or Regaining Independence on 11 November 1918. The author summarises the goals and ways of celebrating these occasions by Polish heads of state in 1939–1990, with taking into account media echoes of these celebrations. As a result, he has been able to capture the specificity of the celebrations in subsequent office terms. The author puts forward a thesis about their significant importance not only for maintaining Polishness abroad, but also for the political game both in the country and on the international arena. ; Celem jest zaprezentowanie stosunku prezydentów RP na uchodźstwie do obchodów świąt narodowych, jak rocznica uchwalenia Konstytucji 3 maja 1791 r. czy odzyskania niepodległości 11 XI 1918 r. Autor podsumował cele oraz sposoby świętowania przez głowy państwa w latach 1939–1990. Uwzględnione zostały medialne echa tych poczynań. W efekcie udało się uchwycić specyfikę obchodów w kolejnych kadencjach. Autor stawia tezę o istotnym ich znaczeniu nie tylko dla podtrzymania polskości na obczyźnie, ale także dla gry politycznej w wymiarze wewnętrznym i na arenie międzynarodowej. The aim of the study is to present the attitude of the Polish presidents in exile to the celebration of national holidays, such as the anniversary of the Constitution of 3 May 1791, or Regaining Independence on 11 November 1918. The author summarises the goals and ways of celebrating these occasions by Polish heads of state in 1939–1990, with taking into account media echoes of these celebrations. As a result, he has been able to capture the specificity of the celebrations in subsequent office terms. The author puts forward a thesis about their significant importance not only for maintaining Polishness abroad, but also for the political game both in the country and on the international arena.

Celem jest zaprezentowanie stosunku prezydentów RP na uchodźstwie do obchodów świąt narodowych, jak rocznica uchwalenia Konstytucji 3 maja 1791 r. czy odzyskania niepodległości 11 XI 1918 r. Autor podsumował cele oraz sposoby świętowania przez głowy państwa w latach 1939–1990. Uwzględnione zostały medialne echa tych poczynań. W efekcie udało się uchwycić specyfikę obchodów w kolejnych kadencjach. Autor stawia tezę o istotnym ich znaczeniu nie tylko dla podtrzymania polskości na obczyźnie, ale także dla gry politycznej w wymiarze wewnętrznym i na arenie międzynarodowej. The aim of the study is to present the attitude of the Polish presidents in exile to the celebration of national holidays, such as the anniversary of the Constitution of 3 May 1791, or Regaining Independence on 11 November 1918. The author summarises the goals and ways of celebrating these occasions by Polish heads of state in 1939–1990, with taking into account media echoes of these celebrations. As a result, he has been able to capture the specificity of the celebrations in subsequent office terms. The author puts forward a thesis about their significant importance not only for maintaining Polishness abroad, but also for the political game both in the country and on the international arena. ; Celem jest zaprezentowanie stosunku prezydentów RP na uchodźstwie do obchodów świąt narodowych, jak rocznica uchwalenia Konstytucji 3 maja 1791 r. czy odzyskania niepodległości 11 XI 1918 r. Autor podsumował cele oraz sposoby świętowania przez głowy państwa w latach 1939–1990. Uwzględnione zostały medialne echa tych poczynań. W efekcie udało się uchwycić specyfikę obchodów w kolejnych kadencjach. Autor stawia tezę o istotnym ich znaczeniu nie tylko dla podtrzymania polskości na obczyźnie, ale także dla gry politycznej w wymiarze wewnętrznym i na arenie międzynarodowej. The aim of the study is to present the attitude of the Polish presidents in exile to the celebration of national holidays, such as the anniversary of the Constitution of 3 May 1791, or Regaining Independence on 11 November 1918. The author summarises the goals and ways of celebrating these occasions by Polish heads of state in 1939–1990, with taking into account media echoes of these celebrations. As a result, he has been able to capture the specificity of the celebrations in subsequent office terms. The author puts forward a thesis about their significant importance not only for maintaining Polishness abroad, but also for the political game both in the country and on the international arena.

This article is concerned with the relationship between more than 30 years of universal direct election to the post of President of the Republic of Poland and the essence of the roles associated with that position. The hypothesis put forward for testing has been that elections of the above kind give rise to distortions in the systemic model associated with the Polish Presidency. The legitimisation of the President at the ballot box reinforces the efforts of many holders of the office to introduce ruling-related elements of the Presidency in practice, in the context of the political system. Elections also strengthen relations between the President and his political camp, in this way undermining the presidential arbitration function. In essence, an election campaign is subject to mechanisms of "Prime Minister-isation", whereby a candidate for President usually presents (feels obliged to present) a programme appropriate for an organ truly engaged in the pursuit of state policy.

The subject of the article is to consider the theoretical and practical possibilities of the President of the Republic of Poland to perform his constitutional tasks in the area of state security. The presented analysis takes into account the legal and institutional conditions resulting from Poland's membership in the European Union.