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The purpose of the article is to compare the positions of the presidents of Poland and Russia adopted in the Constitution of the Republic of Poland from 1997 and the Constitution of Russia from 1993. To enable comparative studies, the president's institution was divided into basic elements. It was assumed that the most important elements of the president's political position are: the system of government and separation of powers; way of electing a president; functions and competences; scope and type of responsibility. The publication structure was also divided in this way. The presented research results show that the most important and differentiating elements are the system of government as well as the functions and competences of the president. These factors decide about a strong, strengthened – in comparison with others – presidency in Russia. Some constitutional solutions, such as choice or responsibility, can be considered similar. ; Celem artykułu jest porównanie pozycji prezydentów Polski i Rosji przyjętych w Konstytucji Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej z 1997 roku i Konstytucji Rosji z 1993 roku. Aby umożliwić komparatystykę, podzielono instytucję prezydenta na podstawowe elementy. Przyjęto założenie, że najważniejszymi elementami pozycji ustrojowej prezydenta jest: system rządów i podział władzy, sposób wyboru prezydenta, funkcje i kompetencje, zakres i rodzaj ponoszonej odpowiedzialności. Tak też podzielona została struktura publikacji. Przedstawione wyniki badań pokazują, że najistotniejszymi, różnicującymi elementami jest system rządów oraz funkcje i kompetencje prezydenta. Te właśnie czynniki decydują o silnej, wzmocnionej – w porównaniu z innymi – prezydenturze w Rosji. Część konstytucyjnych rozwiązań, na przykład sposób wyboru czy odpowiedzialność, można uznać za podobne. ; Целью статьи является сравнение позиций президентов Польши и России, принятых в Конституции Республики Польша от 1997 года и Конституции России от 1993 года. Для проведения сравнительных исследований институция президента была поделена основные элементы. Предполагалось, что наиболее важными элементами политической позиции президента являются: система правления и разделение властей; способ избрания президента; функции и компетенции; объем и вид ответственности. Структура публикации также была разделена таким образом. Представленные результаты исследования показывают, что наиболее важными и дифференцирующими элементами являются государственная система, а также функции и полномочия президента. Эти факторы определяют сильное – по сравнению с другими – президентство России. Некоторые конституционные решения, такие как выбор или ответственность, могут считаться схожими.

Following the changes introduced by the Lisbon Treaty, the European Council elects its permanent president by a qualified majority. The first President of the European Council developed his office on his own, watched by those whose expectations envisaged him performing various tasks, such as leader, political strategist, broker, or just another EU official. The Treaty did not precisely define the range of powers conferred upon the President of the European Council but it provided a stimulus to start the adaptation of this new position to specific tasks. There is emerging a new, post-Lisbon practice of the new institutional system's operation, as well as the new form of the European Council, with a key role played by its President. The objective of this paper is to present the circumstances under which the office of President of the European Council was established, as well as an analysis of the scope of his responsibilities. These considerations are concluded with the evaluation of the theoretical and practical powers exercised by the President of the European Council during the first, and at the beginning of the second term. ; Following the changes introduced by the Lisbon Treaty, the European Council elects its permanent president by a qualified majority. The first President of the European Council developed his office on his own, watched by those whose expectations envisaged him performing various tasks, such as leader, political strategist, broker, or just another EU official. The Treaty did not precisely define the range of powers conferred upon the President of the European Council but it provided a stimulus to start the adaptation of this new position to specific tasks. There is emerging a new, post-Lisbon practice of the new institutional system's operation, as well as the new form of the European Council, with a key role played by its President. The objective of this paper is to present the circumstances under which the office of President of the European Council was established, as well as an analysis of the scope of his responsibilities. These considerations are concluded with the evaluation of the theoretical and practical powers exercised by the President of the European Council during the first, and at the beginning of the second term.

This article seeks to identify and detail the most important determinants that shaped the position of Poland's President in the system of governance during the country's period of transformation extending from 1989 through to 1997. The conditioning presented determined the position of the office of President by reference to four legal instruments, i.e. the new proposal of April 1989, the 1990 Act on universal suffrage in electing the President of the Republic of Poland (Ustawa o powszechnych wyborach prezydenta RP), the so-called "Small Constitution" of 1992, and the (still-binding) 1997 Constitution of the Republic of Poland. It is claimed here that this conditioning underpinning the establishment of the post of President within Poland's system of governance, on the basis of these different instruments of law, remained similar (sometimes in fact identical), with the overriding, repeated determinant being the political situation at the given time.

The article is based on an analysis of certain aspects of how the public opinion of selected nations in years 2001–2016 perceived the American foreign policy and the images of two Presidents of the United States (George W. Bush, Barack Obama). In order to achieve these research goals some polling indicators were constructed. They are linked with empirical assessments related to the foreign policy of the U.S. and the political activity of two Presidents of the United States of America which are constructed by nations in three segments of the world system. Results of the analysis confirmed the research hypotheses. The position of a given nation in the structure of the world system influenced the dynamics of perception and the directions of empirical assessments (positive/negative) of that nation's public opinion about the USA.

Ten years after Poland's accession to the European Union it seems right to ask the question: is our country a subject or an object in the political game in Brussels? Is our position strong enough to effectively influence the decision-making mechanisms in the European Union? Or maybe what some say about Poland's position in the EU is true and our country is indeed "playing out of its league? In an attempt to contribute to answering these questions, in this text the author tries to identify the factors which may have had an impact on the election of Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk for the President of the European Council. The aim of the conducted cognitive process is also to perform an initial analysis of the visible results of this move, both for the institutional system of the European Union and for the way in which public decisions are shaped within the organization.The author also tries to identify the most significant challenges the Union has to face, as seen from the perspective of the President of the European Council. One might hope that this will be a good starting point for learning about the mechanism of forming political decisions in the EU, which will also find their place in the hereby publication as part of an extended analysis.

Ten years after Poland's accession to the European Union it seems right to ask the question: is our country a subject or an object in the political game in Brussels? Is our position strong enough to effectively influence the decision-making mechanisms in the European Union? Or maybe what some say about Poland's position in the EU is true and our country is indeed "playing out of its league? In an attempt to contribute to answering these questions, in this text the author tries to identify the factors which may have had an impact on the election of Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk for the President of the European Council. The aim of the conducted cognitive process is also to perform an initial analysis of the visible results of this move, both for the institutional system of the European Union and for the way in which public decisions are shaped within the organization.The author also tries to identify the most significant challenges the Union has to face, as seen from the perspective of the President of the European Council. One might hope that this will be a good starting point for learning about the mechanism of forming political decisions in the EU, which will also find their place in the hereby publication as part of an extended analysis.

The transformation of the political communication models in Venezuela and other Latin American states is related to the evolving political culture in this region, together with a bold use of media communication approached both as a means and a goal. Video-politics, defined as a process of the mediatization of the constructs of political reality, is becoming a key notion for the citizens and voters there. Using the public means of social communication Hugo Chávez has made the Aló, Presidente show an arena of political decision-making and a space focused on political personalism. An analysis of selected elements of the show provides detailed information on the rhetorical tools and other mechanisms of exerting influence applied by Hugo Chávez. On a macro-scale the media strategies applied in the show turn out to be instruments of consolidating the image of executive power in Venezuela. ; The transformation of the political communication models in Venezuela and other Latin American states is related to the evolving political culture in this region, together with a bold use of media communication approached both as a means and a goal. Video-politics, defined as a process of the mediatization of the constructs of political reality, is becoming a key notion for the citizens and voters there. Using the public means of social communication Hugo Chávez has made the Aló, Presidente show an arena of political decision-making and a space focused on political personalism. An analysis of selected elements of the show provides detailed information on the rhetorical tools and other mechanisms of exerting influence applied by Hugo Chávez. On a macro-scale the media strategies applied in the show turn out to be instruments of consolidating the image of executive power in Venezuela.

Political leadership is among the fundamental political-science categories, it remains to be defined clearly as a phenomenon. Nevertheless, as the years have passed, conditions in and around political systems have given rise to leadership models models describable in line with a triad of change from traditional leadership to marketing-oriented leadership and then to neo-leadership. The innovative definition of the latter has then been brought together with considerations of political image, with the resultant category then proving of interest to those researching either the political, or the sociological, or the communicological perspectives. The images of all key players in politics are both created and managed, while leadership that is actually effective or perceived to be so is essential if political power and support are to be built and maintained. The example of Polish President Andrzej Duda is here used in an analysis of the image of Head of State, in the circumstances of the 2015–2020 period overall, as well as the 2020 (re-) election campaign. This is done with a view to answering a general question regarding the extent to which a given politician (and here A. Duda specifically) is the creator or the prisoner of his/her own image. Account is thus taken of the factors shaping the image of this particular President (i.e. advisors and family, the media and the electorate). While the conclusions obtained here are not unequivocal, they do open up new questions relating to the future of leadership in times of crises and the existence of major populist movements. Consideration of these issues is here based mainly on the comparative and historical methods.

According to the form of government of July 17, 1919, the constitutional system in Finland was marked by strenghened position of the President. He was considered both the head of the state and the real leader of the executive power. President served as a representative of the Republic, the real constructor of its foreign policy as well as the main cabinet-maker. The President's competences became enhanced by the strong personalities holding the office (like Juho Paasikivi and Urho Kekkonen). After resignation of Kekkonen from the office the position of the President's office holder was gradually lowered, although the change of the election procedure ( the direct election has replaced electoral colegium composed of 301 persons) offered some – unexplored – space for consolidation of his political position. The new Constitution of Finland of June 11, 1999 (in force since the year 2000) moved the constitutional system of the country towards the modernized parliamentarism. The President preserved his influence in the field of foreign policy but his internal competences were narrowed in favour of both the Parliament (Eduskunta) and the Cabinet, now strictly dependent on parliamentary majority. ; Artykuł nie zawiera abstraktu w języku polskim

After President Francois Hollande assumed power in France in May 2012, French-German cooperation in the European Union weakened, which did not translate into bilateral cooperation, though. The need for tight collaboration in order to overcome the crisis of the eurozone, forced Berlin and Paris to revise their own ambitious agendas and work out the necessary compromises. The celebrations of the 50th anniversary o f the Elysée Treaty called for the development of a strategy of mutual relations in the years to come. Both states are doomed to cooperation within the European Union, as Germany and France are commonly considered to be the engines of European integration and the guarantors of its stable development. ; Po przejęciu władzy we Francji przez prezydenta F. Hollande'a w maju 2012 r. współpraca francusko-niemieckawUnii Europejskiej uległa osłabieniu, ale nie przełożyło się to jakoś szczególniena kooperację na płaszczyźnie bilateralnej. Konieczność ścisłej współpracy w celu przezwyciężenia kryzysu strefy euro zmuszała Berlin i Paryż do korygowania własnych ambitnych planów i wypracowywania niezbędnych kompromisów. Z kolei obchody okrągłej rocznicy 50-lecia traktatu elizejskiego nakazywały wypracowywanie strategii rozwoju wzajemnych relacji na następne lata. W Unii Europejskiej oba państwa są skazane na współpracę, ponieważ w powszechnej opinii Niemcy i Francja stanowią nadal motor integracji europejskiej i gwarancję jej stabilnego rozwoju.

The transformation of the political communication models in Venezuela and other Latin American states is related to the evolving political culture in this region, together with a bold use of media communication approached both as a means and a goal. Video-politics, defined as a process of the mediatization of the constructs of political reality, is becoming a key notion for the citizens and voters there. Using the public means of social communication Hugo Chávez has made the Aló, Presidente show an arena of political decision-making and a space focused on political personalism. An analysis of selected elements of the show provides detailed information on the rhetorical tools and other mechanisms of exerting influence applied by Hugo Chávez. On a macro-scale the media strategies applied in the show turn out to be instruments of consolidating the image of executive power in Venezuela.

Switzerland is an example of a state that has adopted specific solutions as regards the election and execution of executive power, which has generated the common conviction that the Swiss Confederation is among the most solid democracies in the world. Recent years have shown, however, that political practice has brought about a significant evolution of Swiss solutions as the distribution of power in the parliament has resulted in the abolition of the 'magical formula' that guaranteed the great (and stable) government coalition, and the emergence of initiatives aiming at changing the principles along which executive power is elected in Switzerland. The purpose of considerations presented in this paper is to analyze the specific character of how the executive institutions function in the Swiss Confederation, answer the question of what directions the changes to the composition of the Federal Council are taking, as well as address the directions of evolutionary changes to the principles of electing the members of the Swiss government.

Switzerland is an example of a state that has adopted specific solutions as regards the election and execution of executive power, which has generated the common conviction that the Swiss Confederation is among the most solid democracies in the world. Recent years have shown, however, that political practice has brought about a significant evolution of Swiss solutions as the distribution of power in the parliament has resulted in the abolition of the 'magical formula' that guaranteed the great (and stable) government coalition, and the emergence of initiatives aiming at changing the principles along which executive power is elected in Switzerland. The purpose of considerations presented in this paper is to analyze the specific character of how the executive institutions function in the Swiss Confederation, answer the question of what directions the changes to the composition of the Federal Council are taking, as well as address the directions of evolutionary changes to the principles of electing the members of the Swiss government. ; Switzerland is an example of a state that has adopted specific solutions as regards the election and execution of executive power, which has generated the common conviction that the Swiss Confederation is among the most solid democracies in the world. Recent years have shown, however, that political practice has brought about a significant evolution of Swiss solutions as the distribution of power in the parliament has resulted in the abolition of the 'magical formula' that guaranteed the great (and stable) government coalition, and the emergence of initiatives aiming at changing the principles along which executive power is elected in Switzerland. The purpose of considerations presented in this paper is to analyze the specific character of how the executive institutions function in the Swiss Confederation, answer the question of what directions the changes to the composition of the Federal Council are taking, as well as address the directions of evolutionary changes to the principles of electing the members of the Swiss government.

Ukraine has repeatedly shifted between the two sub-types of semi-presidentialism, i.e. between premier-presidentialism and president-parliamentarism. The aim of this article is to discuss to what extent theoretical arguments against premier-presidential and president-parliamentary systems are relevant for understanding the shifting directions of the Ukrainian regime. As a point of departure, I formulate three main claims from the literature: 1) "President-parliamentarism is less conducive to democratization than premier-presidentialism."; 2) "Semi-presidentialism in both its variants have built-in incitements for intra-executive conflict between the president and the prime minister."; 3) "Semi-presidentialism in general, and president-parliamentarism in particular, encourages presidentialization of political parties." I conclude from the study's empirical overview that the president-parliamentary system– the constitutional arrangement with the most dismal record of democratization – has been instrumental in strengthening presidential dominance and authoritarian tendencies. The premier-presidential period 2006–2010 was by no means smooth and stable, but the presidential dominance weakened and the survival of the government was firmly anchored in the parliament. During this period, there were also indications of a gradual strengthening of institutional capacity among the main political parties and the parliament began to emerge as a significant political arena.