Suchergebnisse

The winner of Sunday's election will govern a country battered by rising poverty, inflation, and failed monetary policies.

The article is focused on the definition of legal personality of the President of Russia, in the aspect of the separation of powers. Scientific disputes about the place of the President of the Russian Federation in the system of separation of powers are considered, the concept of legal personality of the President of the Russian Federation is given, his powers are considered. It is concluded that the legal personality of the President of the Russian Federation is aimed at ensuring the legal personality of other subjects of legal relations. The need to guarantee the legal personality of all public authorities is manifested both in a sufficiently large amount of constitutional powers of the President of the Russian Federation, and in his close interaction with other public authorities, and first of all the Executive one. It is not so much the scope of authority as the end result that is important. Therefore, the President of the Russian Federation, acting as a special coordinator in the system of separation of powers, is constitutionally obliged to function within the limits that allow the state mechanism to function effectively. ; Статья посвящена исследованию особенностей правосубъектности Президента Российской Федерации в аспекте принципа разделения властей. Рассмотрены научные споры о месте Президента Российской Федерации в системе разделения властей, дано понятие его правосубъектности, рассмотрены его полномочия. Сделан вывод, что правосубъектность Президента Российской Федерации направлена на обеспечение правосубъектности иных субъектов правоотношений. Необходимость гаранта обеспечения правосубъектности всех органов государственной власти проявляется как в достаточно большом объеме конституционных полномочий Президента Российской Федерации, так и в тесном его взаимодействии с иными органами государственной власти, в первую очередь исполнительной. При этом значение имеет не столько объем полномочий, сколько общие результаты деятельности. В этой связи Президент России, выполняя функцию координатора в системе публичной власти, исходя из Конституции России, функционирует в тех пределах, которые обеспечивают нормальное функционирование государственного механизма в целом.

Рассматривается деятельность французских социалистов после победы на выборах 2012 г. Анализируются изменения в содержании и методах политики по сравнению с правлением Н. Саркози, выясняются проблемы, с которыми столкнулся президент Ф. Олланд через год пребывания у власти. The article reviews the activites of French Socialists after the elections of 2012. The author analizes some changes in the content and methods of policy comparing to the government of N. Sarkozy, and identifies the problems faced by President F. Hollande after a year of ruling.

Political situation in Egypt has been attracting international attention since 2011, when the wave of protests of so-called Arab Spring swept through the region of Middle East and North Africa. Inspired by democratic slogans of political pluralism, freedom of speech, press and religion, Egyptian revolution led to the political success of the Islamist groups, such as An-Nour and Muslim Brotherhood, that came to power in 2012. The representative of Muslim Brotherhood Mohammed Morsi held his position of the head of the state for a critically short term: had been elected in the end of June 2012, he was overthrown in the beginning of July 2013 by military coup supported by all the political forces of Egypt as well as Egyptian people, who gathered again in the Tahrir Square. Eventually, the people who had voted for Morsi a year before turned against him as well as political forces that used to support Muslim Brotherhood. He didn't manage to prove his consistency as the president of the country. A number of factors led to this result. Economic situation in Egypt didn't improve, democratically elected president launched totally undemocratic initiatives, etc. All these factors may be considered as obviously objective reasons for loosing the power. But Egyptian political environment has specific features that should be taken into account while investigating the reasons and factors of Morsi overthrow in 2013. Had being shaped through previous 30 years of Hosni Mubarak power and firmly rooted in Egyptian society, they couldn't be changed simultaneously after the revolution. Two key players have been occupied leading positions in Egyptian politics during all this period: business elites and army. Both of them had financial and social base and influenced public opinion in the country. Political situation turned to be even more complicated with the vast number of new parties arouse after the revolt. All these players had an important part in Egyptian politics and should have been taken into account by the president. Moreover, his ability to form relationship with them and gain their loyalty was an important condition for maintaining power. Instead, M. Morsi started confrontation with the leading political forces of Egypt. Apparently, this wrong tactics resulted in his overthrow from the presidency in 2013.

In article were analyzed the main stages of formation of institute of presidency in Ukraine. The role of institute of the president in political system of the modern Ukrainian state is investigated. ; В статье проанализированы основные этапы становления института президентства на Украине. Исследована роль института президента в политической системе современного украинского государства.

ktidarın, hükümdardan halka dogru akısını ifade eden temsili demokratik rejimlerde, devlet baskanının anayasal ve siyasal sistem içindeki konumu, hükümet modelleri tercihinin esasını olusturmaktadır. Nitekim, farklı hükümet modellerinde devlet baskanları, makama gelis ve yetkileri açısından farklı özellikler göstermektedir. II. Mesrutiyetin ilanından itibaren parlamenter sistemi tecrübe eden Türkiye'de cumhurbaskanının sistem içindeki önemi ve bunun nedenlerini tespit etmek amacıyla farklı hükümet sistemleri ve bu sistemlerde devlet baskanlıgı kurumu karsılastırmalı olarak incelenmis, bu çerçevede devlet baskanlarının siyasal sistem içinde farklı rol üstlendikleri meclis hükümeti, baskanlık, yarıbaskanlık ve parlamenter hükümet sistemleri ayrı ayrı inceleme konusu yapılmıstır. Türkiye'de hükümet sistemleri ve cumhurbaskanlarının siyasal sistem içindeki konumları anayasal dönemler itibarı ile ele alınmıs, her cumhurbaskanlıgı seçim süreci dönemin siyasal ve sosyo-kültürel sartları altında incelenmistir. 1982 Anayasasında hükümet sistemi tercihinin aksine ?sembolik? yetkili cumhurbaskanı yerine yasama, yürütme ve yargı gücüne ortak; aktif, müdahaleci, denetleyici ve yönetici cumhurbaskanlıgı kurumu ve cumhurbaskanlıgı seçimlerinin, siyasal sistem içinde ?devlet krizi? yaratma potansiyelinin arkasındaki anayasal, siyasal ve tarihsel etkenler incelenmistir. ; In representative democratic regimes mentioning flow of power from ruler to people, position of the president into the constitutional and political system constitutes the basis of preference of government models . As a matter of fact, presidents in different government models demostrate different characters in respect of chairing and their authorities. In Turkey that has been experiencing parliamentary system from the declaration of Constitutional Monarchy II, different government systems and presidency insitution in these systems have been examined comparatively, in order to determine importance of president within the system and their reasons, and within this framework, assembly government where the president assumed different roles in political system, presidency, semi-presidency and parliamentary government systems all have been an object for study, respectively. Government systems in Turkey and presidents position within political system have been discussed in consideration of constitutional periods, and all elective processes for president have been studied under the political and sociocultural conditions of time. On contrary to the preference of government system, in 1982 constitution, the political and historical factors have been examined where presidency institution and presidency elections are participant, active, officious, inspector and director in legislative, executive and judicial authorities and behind ?state crisis? creation potential in political system, instead of ?symbolically? authorised president.

The subject. An attempt is made to analyze the evolution of the relationship between the Russian Presidents and local self-government in modern Russia over the past 30 years.The methodology of the research is based on the application of the historical method and the method of comparative legal analysis of normative legal acts of the Russian Federation of different years.The purpose of the article is to confirm or dispute hypothesis that the President's relations with local self-government developed non-linearly and contradictory on the different stages.The main results, scope of application. The paper examines the dynamics of the relationship between the Russian Presidents and local self-government, determines the five stages of the development of such relations and their characteristic features, as well as the prospects for these relations after the adoption of amendments to the Constitution of the Russian Federation in 2020.Stage 1. The absence of specific regulatory legal provisions on the participation of the President in local self-government issues and the actual practice of their interaction (July 1991 – October 1993).Stage 2. Arbitrary or authoritarian President's participation in local self-government issues (October 1993 – August 1995). This stage is connected with the period of the constitutional crisis of 1993 and is characterized, first of all, by two decrees of the Russian President directly changing the provisions of the Law of the Russian Federation on Local Self-Government of 1991.Stage 3. Bringing the powers of the President in the field of local self-government in accordance with the Russian Constitution of 1993, the approval by the President of the main directions of state policy in the field of local self – government development in the Russian Federation, the creation of the Council for Local Self-Government under the President of the Russian Federation (August 1995 – August 2000).Stage 4. Strengthening the role of the President in the field of local self-government. The beginning of this stage is connected with the coming to power of the new Russian President (August 2000 – July 2020). So far, this is the longest stage in our chronology. This stage is characterized by additional regulation by the President of certain point issues in the field of organization and implementation of local self-government, directly provided for by federal law. Stage 5. The integration of local self-government bodies into a single system of public power and the receipt by the Russian President of hidden, virtually unlimited powers in the field of local self-government (from July 2020 to the present). The starting point of this stage was the adoption of amendments to the Russian Constitution in 2020.Conclusions. The interaction between the Russian President and local self-government developed in a zigzag pattern: from the complete absence of contacts to the direct intervention of the Russian President in the legal regulation of relations in the field of local self– government, violating and actually canceling the legislative regulation of these relations in 1993-1995. From bringing these relations into line with the Russian Constitution of 1993, which proclaimed the organizational independence of local self-government, to strengthening the role of the Russian President and regulating certain issues in the field of organization and implementation of local self-government. The expansion of the powers of the Russian President in connection with the amendments to the Russian Constitution in 2020 actually means an aside from the organizational independence of local self-government and the integration of local self-government bodies into a single system of public authorities. In this regard, the question arises: do the above amendments mean an actual return to the second stage of the development of relations between the Russian President and local selfgovernment in the period of 1993-1995, when the use of "hidden (implied)" powers of the President was allowed, and, consequently, theoretically unlimited participation of the Russian President in local self-government issues? ; На основе применения исторического метода и метода сравнительно-правового анализа нормативных правовых актов Российской Федерации разных лет сделана попытка исследования эволюции взаимоотношений Президента РФ и местного самоуправления в современной России за последние 30 лет. Определены пять этапов развития взаимоотношений Президента РФ и местного самоуправления, их характерные черты, а также перспективы после принятия поправок к Конституции РФ 2020 г. Сделаны выводы о том, что взаимодействие Президента РФ и местного самоуправления развивалось зигзагообразно. Расширение полномочий Президента РФ в связи с поправками к Конституции РФ 2020 г. фактически означает отход от организационной самостоятельности местного самоуправления и встраивание органов местного самоуправления в единую систему публичной власти.

Türkiye'de güçlü ve istikrarlı bir yönetim için başkanlık sisteminin gerekliliği çoğu siyasi lider tarafından dile getirilmiştir. Ülkemizde eski Başbakanlardan Necmettin Erbakan tarafından kurulan Milli Nizam Partisinin 1970'li yıllarda ilan edilen parti programında, güçlü bir icra için Başkanlık sisteminin gerekli olduğu vurgulanmıştır. Alparslan Türkeş'te ''Dokuz Işık'' adlı milliyetçi manifestosunda bu sistemin Türk törelerine en uygun sistem olduğunu ifade etmiştir. Süleyman Demirel ise, Başkanlık sistemini savunmakla kalmamış, 1980 yılında geçiş süreci önerisi olarak Cumhurbaşkanın halk tarafından seçilmesini öneren teklifi parlamentoya sunmuştur. Bunların yanında şüphesiz, Başkanlık sistemini söylemlerin ötesinde sistemli bir şekilde ve şiddetle arzulayan lider Turgut Özal idi. Recep Tayyip Erdoğan ise Başkanlık sistemine geçilmesi konusunda en somut ve kararlı adımları atan liderdir. Önceki siyasi liderlerin vurgulayıp hayata geçiremediği hükümet sistemi değişikliği konusunda, halk tarafından seçilen ilk Cumhurbaşkanı olarak Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, Ak Parti ve MHP'nin destekleriyle Cumhurbaşkanlığı Hükümet Sistemine geçişi ifade eden 16 Nisan 2017 referandumunu evet oyları ile sonuçlandırmıştır. Bu tarihten itibaren de ülkemizde hükümet rejimi olarak Cumhurbaşkanlığı Hükümet Sistemine geçilmiştir. Yeni sistemle beraber, ülkemizde uygulanan Cumhurbaşkanlığı Hükümet Sisteminde yürütme erkini, tek başına Cumhurbaşkanı elinde bulundurmaktadır. Eski sistemde yürütme organının içerisinde yer alan Bakanlar Kurulu kaldırılmış olup, Cumhurbaşkanına yürütmeye ilişkin yetki ve sorumluluklarında yardımcı olmak amacıyla Kurullar, Ofisler ve Başkanlıklar kurulmuştur. Ayrıca Cumhurbaşkanının, üst düzey kamu görevlilerini atama ve kararname çıkarma gibi yetkileri de yeni sistemle beraber gelen değişikliklerdendir. ; The necessity for a strong and stable management of the presidential system in Turkey has been expressed by most of the political leaders. In the party program of the National Ordinary Party, which was established by a former Prime Minister Necmettin Erbakan in the 1970s, it was emphasized that the presidential system was necessary for a strong executive. In his nationalist manifesto named "Dokuz Işık", Alparslan Türkeş stated that this system is the most suitable system for Turkish customs. Furthermore, Süleyman Demirel not only defended the presidential system but also offered to the parliament the proposal that the president should be elected by the public as a proposal for the transition process in 1980. Besides these, undoubtedly, the leader who desired the presidential system- beyond the discourses- systematically and strongly was Turgut Özal. Recep Tayyip Erdoğan is the leader who has taken the most concrete and decisive steps in the transition to the presidential system. On the change of the government system, which could be emphasized but not implemented by previous political leaders, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, the first president elected by the people, concluded the referendum with "Yes" votes on 16th April, in 2017, with the support of the Justice and Development Party (AK Parti) and the Nationalist Movement Party (MHP). As of this date, the government regime in our country has been changed to the Presidential Government System. With the new system, the President is the one who has the power of executive power in the presidential government system implemented in our country. In the former system, the Council of Ministers within the executive organ was abolished and the Boards, Offices and Presidencies were established to assist the President in his authority and responsibilities for execution. In addition, the authorities of the president to appointment high-level public officials and to make bylaws are among the changes that come with the new system.

The authors of this article have studied the texts of the Jordanian popular and quality papers - the government newspaper Al-Raya and the independent newspaper Al-Ghad. We have analyzed about 50 materials that directly or indirectly mention Vladimir Putin for the period from March 2011 (when the civil war in Syria has started) till February 2018. We have focused on the images of Vladimir Putin that were created in the Jordanian media. Conventionally, they fall under one of the three categories: "Putinfriend", "Putin-enemy" or "Putin-president of Russia". ; Авторами изучены тексты иорданских популярных изданий «Аль-Раи» и «Аль-Гхад» за период с марта 2011 по февраль 2018 гг., в которых прямо или косвенно упоминается президент России Владимир Путин. Авторы выделяют классификацию образов президента РФ: «Путиндруг», «Путин-враг» и «Путин-Президент России». Изучая медиатексты, авторы пришли к выводу, что ни правительственные, ни независимые иорданские издания не интересуют такие популярные для западных СМИ темы, как российская оппозиция, Алексей Навальный, ЛГБТ, права человека и демократия. Образ российского лидера в иорданской прессе создается через его внешнеполитические действия.

An attempt to consider the ideological implications of the official Ukrainian political discourse of the early 21st century on the basis of the inaugural speeches of the Presidents is carried out in the paper in question. In the course of the study the inaugural speeches of the 4th and 5th Presidents of Ukraine are analyzed as well as the structure of the inaugural speech of the 5th President of Ukraine is researched. Having analyzed the relevant inaugural speeches, the author comes to the conclusion that the 4th President of Ukraine relies heavily on the elite, and 5th – is trying to engage all sectors of society in the dialogue. In addition, it can be noted that internally the inaugural speech of the 5th President consists of several parts, in particular, the accentuation of the choice of the European way of development, the promise for the nation, the call to work together, etc. Language and speech are two of the key players on the global political arena. It has been true for many centuries and is true today. Political discourse is the study on the border between politics and linguistics; a combination of matters, the existence and solution to which in most cases is impossible without each other. President Poroshenko uses language as a powerful tool to communicate his ideas not only to the Ukrainian society but to the international community as well.Keywords: political discourse, language, communication, ideology, implications, inaugural address. ; Сделана попытка рассмотреть идеологические импликации официальногоукраинского политического дискурса начала XXI столетия на примере инаугурационных речей президентов Украины. В ходе исследования проанализированы инаугурационные речи 4-го и 5-го Президентов Украины, а также структура инаугурационной речи 5-го Президента Украины. Сделан вывод, что 4-й Президент Украины в большей степени опирался на элиты, а 5-й пытался вести диалог со всеми слоями общества. Кроме того, можно отметить, что внутренне инаугурационная речь 5-го Президента состоит из нескольких частей, в частности, акцентуация выбора Европейского пути развития, обещание нации, призыв к совместной работе и т.д. Язык и речь являются двумя ключевыми игроками на мировой политической арене; такбыло на протяжении многих веков, и это остается актуальным и сегодня. Политический дискурс находится на рубеже двух наук – лингвистики и политологии и представляет собой симбиоз ряда проблемных вопросов, существование и решение которых невозможно отдельно. Президент Порошенко использует язык в качестве мощного инструмента для коммуникации своих идей не только украинскому, но и международному сообществу.Ключевые слова: политический дискурс, язык, коммуникация, идеологии, импликации, инаугурационная речь. ; Зроблено спробу розглянути ідеологічні імплікації офіційного українського по-літичного дискурсу початку XXI сторіччя на прикладі інаугураційних промов президентів України. В ході дослідження проаналізовано інаугураційні промови 4-го та 5-го Президентів України, а також будову інаугураційної промови 5-го Президента України. Зроблено висновок, що 4-й Президент України більшою мірою спирався на еліти, а 5-й робив спроби вести діалог з усіма верствами суспільства. Окрім цього, можна зазначити, що внутрішньо інаугураційна промова 5-го Президента складається з декількох частин, зокрема, акцентуація вибору Європейського шляху розвитку, обіцянка нації, заклик до спільної праці тощо. Мова та мовлення є двома ключовими гравцями на світовій політичній арені; так було протягом багатьох століть, і це є актуальним і для сьогодення. Політичний дискурс знаходиться на зламі двох наук –лінгвістики та політології; це симбіоз ряду проблемних питань, існування та вирішення котрих неможливе окремо. Президент Порошенко використовує мову в якості потужного інструменту для комунікації своєї ідеї не тільки українському суспільству, але також міжнародному співтовариству.Ключові слова: політичний дискурс, мова, комунікація, ідеології, імплікації, інаугураційна промова.

The article proves innovative understanding of basic tasks and objects of jurisprudence as well as basic directions of legal activity. The article proposes new idea on the essence of the mechanism for transfer of powers from electors to the President of the state and other authorities as well as solutions to various problems in the area of the exercise of state power. It has been underlined that the basic tasks of jurisprudence are development and implementation of the most effective, rational and qualitative legal regulation of social life and prevention of violations of such legal regulation. Within innovative understanding of the essence of the mechanism for transfer of powers from the voters to the authorities special attention has been drawn to the existence of general state, regional and local direct democracy (direct power of voters), poli-representative democracy (poli-secondary power which means collective governmental agencies such as parliament, regional and local representative administrations), mono-representative democracy (mono-secondary power which means the election of one-man governmental agency like the president, governor, etc.) and delegated democracy (tertiary power vested to other authorities through the parliament and the president.) Other forms of public will expression are not democratic because they are not all-inclusive and/or cannot ensure the confidentiality of the will expression like meetings, marches, veche, polls, registration on the websites, submission of petitions, general meeting of the entity with open voting, etc. These are forms of expression of position which should be implemented out of the governmental agencies.