Suchergebnisse

Edgar A. Weimer, president. ; The commission is designated in the text as the Pennsylvania State building code commission. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Cover -- Copyright -- Dedication -- Contents -- Acknowledgments -- Introduction -- Chapter 1: Introduction -- I. Campaigning and Geography -- Chapter 2: The Obama White House's Transition from Governing to Campaigning -- Chapter 3: A Heartbeat Away: The Strategic Importance of Paul Ryan and Joe Biden in the 2012 Presidential Election -- Chapter 4: The Political Geography of the 2012 Presidential Election -- Chapter 5: The Republican Advantage Continues: The 2012 Election in the South -- Chapter 6: The 2012 Presidential Race in Battleground Florida: Changing Demographics Challenge the Obama and Romney Campaigns -- II. Domestic and Economic Policy -- Chapter 7: "Let Detroit Go Bankrupt": Using the Past to Win the Present -- Chapter 8: Health Care in the 2012 Election -- Chapter 9: The Obama Regulatory Record: Partisanship, Perception, and the 2012 Election -- Chapter 10: Conspicuous Silence: Global Climate Change and the 2012 Presidential Election -- III. Foreign Policy -- Chapter 11: American Exceptionalism and the Elections of 1976, 1980, and 2012 -- Chapter 12: President Obama's National Security and Counterterrorism Strategy and the Presidential Election of 2012 -- Chapter 13: The Obama Administration's Homeland Security Record as a 2012 Campaign Issue -- Chapter 14: U.S. Foreign Policy and Global Change in the 2012 Presidential Election -- Contributors -- Index.

The article consists of three parts. Firstly, the author considers the main concepts of the political regime in Belarus. Such an analysis includes the concepts of hybrid, authoritarian, and neo-patrimonial regimes. The second part deals with the reasons for Belarusian retreat from democratic standards, namely the Russian factor in Belarusian politics. President Vladimir Putin and Russian bureaucracy are afraid to lose Belarus in case Aliaksandr Lukashenka is removed from absolute power. The authoritarian regime in Russia has sponsored autocracies in the post-Soviet space, ensuring their dependence on Moscow. In the third part, the author analyses the transformation of the Belarusian regime, using the variables of the role of leadership, the state of pluralism, the role of ideology, the character of political mobilization, and the state of human rights. During a very short period of Lukashenka's rule, we have witnessed a constant tightening of dictatorship rule, which has led the Belarusian regime to the point of a hybrid authoritarian-sultanistic regime (2006) and almost classical sultanism (2010). Such regimes as Belarusian can only be changed through the mobilization of public protest from below. Besides, the Belarusian semi-sultanism is not sustainable. Adapted from the source document.

Argentina may be hyperventilating again. It tends to come in cycles. Like a swirling roller-coaster ride, the second largest country in South America has a history of swinging left and right in a wide arc that has sent it crashing repeatedly into an abyss of political and economic chaos, only to re-emerge slowly from the quagmire. During most of the past century, Argentina veered between a series of right-wing military dictatorships and populist elected governments. The most notable periods of constitutional rule were the three presidencies of Juan Peron, who despite being himself a general, gained office by popular vote, taking up the cause of the underprivileged working class. That cycle of civilian versus military rule was broken in 1983 when the last military regime fell after losing the Falklands Islands, but the pattern of violent shifts from conservative to populist policies persists. Today, after nine years of economic bliss under a middle-of-the-road government, the makings of political and economic turmoil are bubbling up again. Argentina's immensely popular president Cristina Fernandez de Kirchner has inaugurated her second term with a sharp swing towards what she terms a 'national and popular model'. Adapted from the source document.

Argues that despite the claims of George W. Bush's opponents, who see his faith as heavily influencing his policies, Bush actually resides somewhere to the right of mainstream presidential religiosity. The positions of US presidents since Theodore Roosevelt on religion are delineated before characterizing Bush and finding traits similar to Woodrow Wilson and Franklin Delano Roosevelt. From this, the limited information available on the Bush's faith is presented, suggesting he can be described as a moderate evangelical and advocate of a politically conservative form of social gospel. The influence of the Christian right on Bush is noted, demonstrating how he has mixed symbolic stroking, concessions, enthusiastic support, and shrewd politics where the most important religious conservative issues are concerned. Attention is given to the controversy over his "faith-based" initiative as well as to what some saw as the "international moralism" underpinning his foreign policy. In addition, the place of religion in the 2004 presidential election is briefly examined. It is contended that liberal attacks on Bush's religiosity is counterproductive, distorting an understanding of Bush's administration, the place of religion in contemporary politics, and life in the US. D. Edelman

The result of the U.S. presidential election of 2004 mirrors almost completely the one of 2000. 47 out of 50 states voted for the candidate of the same party as they had done in 2000 -- therefore, allowing President George W. Bush a second term. However, several electoral trends indicate that Bush won both tightly & clearly. He managed, for example, to reach a higher level of distribution concerning members of the Electoral College in states that are mainly republican in the south. He also won votes, in particular, amongst Hispanics, women & Catholics. The 2004 election campaign was dominated more than ever by foreign policy issues. John F. Kerry, the candidate of the Democrats, was unable to profit from his long experience on this matter, while Bush managed to link the deteriorating situation in post-war Iraq with the war on terrorism. Furthermore, Kerry failed to benefit from Bush's mixed economic record. It is also notable that while the Democrats tried to win swing voters in the political center, the Republicans concentrated on mobilizing their own party base. The latter strategy proved more successful. Whether Bush can push through his ambitious reform agenda in his second term depends largely on his ability to work with Congress. 3 Tables. Adapted from the source document.