Suchergebnisse

U Istru, kao dijelu austrijskoga pravnog sustava, porotno je suđenje uvedeno revolucionarne 1848. i to najprije samo za tiskovne delikte, u sklopu težnji za slobodom misli i izražavanja putem tiska, koji je predstavljao najprikladniji medij za širenje novih ideja i mobilizaciju političkih masa. Porotnim suđenjem htjelo se osigurati nepristrano i objektivno suđenje, koje se zbog nedostatnih jamstava sudačke neovisnosti nije moglo očekivati od profesionalnih sudaca. U radu se razmatraju tiskovne naredbe i zakoni doneseni tijekom 1848. i 1849. godine, kojima su regulirani sloboda tiska i porotna sudbenost. Na temelju analize zakonodavnog okvira, sudske prakse i istarskog novinstva u promatranom razdoblju, autorica je utvrdila kako uvođenje slobode tiska i porotnog suđenja za tiskovne delikte 1848./1849. za područje Istre nije imalo preveliko praktično značenje. ; In Istria, as a part of the Austrian legal system, jury trial was initially introduced in the revolutionary year of 1848 only for press offenses, in the framework of aspirations for freedom of thought and expression through the press, which represented the most appropriate medium for the dissemination of new ideas and mobilization of the political masses. Trial by jury was supposed to secure impartial and objective trials, which could not be expected of professional judges due to insufficient guarantees of their impartiality. This paper examines the press-related orders and laws passed during 1848 and 1849 which regulated the freedom of press and jury jurisdiction. On the basis of an analysis of the legislative framework, jurisprudence, and the Istrian press during the examined time period, the author has decided that the introduction of the freedom of the press and jury trials for press offenses in 1848/1849 on the territory of Istria didn't have a large practical significance.

Tijekom i nakon Drugog svjetskog rata grane Agitprop-a jugoslavenske Komunističke partije i povezane Komunističke partije Julijske krajine započeli su s objavom periodike za teritorije koje su kontrolirali u Istri, a neki od tih novosti bili su namijenjeni ženskoj publici. Ove žensko orijentirane publikacije djelovale su kao poticaj istarskim ženama koje su govorile talijanski da se mobiliziraju, bilo vojno kroz partizansku borbu, bilo politički za ostvarenje novog socijalističkog društva putem političke edukacije i aktivnog sudjelovanja. S jedne strane KPJ je navodila općenite marksističke teze o rodnoj jednakosti, dok je s druge djelovala unutar konteksta već postojećih fašističkih politika socijalne segregacije i obezvrijeđivanja žena. Temeljni izvori koji su ovdje analizirani odnose se na časopis La Donna Istriana te dvije različite publikacije istog imena Donne, kao i ratni pamflet 8 marzo. ; During and after the Second World War, the Agitation and Propaganda branches of the Yugoslav Communist Party and the related Communist Party of the Julian March started the publication of periodical news issues in the territories they controlled in Istria, and some of these issues were aimed at female audiences. These femaleoriented publications encouraged the Italian-speaking Istrian women to mobilize both militarily, in the partisan struggle, and politically, for the construction of the new socialist society through political education and active participation. On the one hand the KPJ made reference to generic Marxist gender egalitarianism; on the other hand, though, it was acting within the context of the preexisting fascist policies of social segregation and belittlement of women. The primary sources hereby analyzed are the magazine La Donna Istriana and two different publications both named Donne, as well as the wartime pamphlet 8 marzo.

Tabloidization, sensationalism, the loss of credibility & professionalism, & the violations of ethic norms & standards have been increasingly evident in the Croatian mass media. The broadening of media freedoms is not accompanied by a sufficient level of responsibility regarding reporting; consequently, there is a sort of the media bullying whose victims are individuals or companies. Some of those whose privacy, honor & reputation have been violated send denials to the media, appeal to the journalist associations or seek justice through judicial bodies. In some cases the reports in question were a product of objective & professional reporting, while in others untruths were reported or facts manipulated. The authors analyze the major elements of the above phenomena in the media & the society & the possibilities of protecting the violated rights & interests within the framework of the existing regulations of the Republic of Croatia. Tables, Figures, References. Adapted from the source document.

Članak se bavi karakterom i zastupljenošću etničkoga diskursa u srbijanskim opozicijskim glasilima Demokratija i Srpska reč u periodu 1990./1991. Jedno od pitanja koje razmatra ovaj rad odnosi se na preispitivanje teze o nepostojanju relevantne političke alternative tzv. nacionalnom programu Slobodana Miloševića i njegove političke partije u Srbiji u predvečerje raspada Jugoslavije. ; A statistical analysis of the presence of ethnic discourse (ED) and its subcategory, discourse of ethnic intolerance (DEI), in the party organs Demokratija and Srpska reč shows the indisputably different political character and physiognomy of these two papers. Namely, the average presence of ED in the Srpska reč in the period from June 1990 to June 1991 was four times higher, and the prevalence of DEI ten times higher, than in the Demokratija. In addition to the varying prevalence and character of their ED content, these two organs were fundamentally different as regards the character of their remaining contents. In the Serbian Renewal Movement's organ, the predominant part of the remaining discourse consisted of revisionist serials and essays dedicated to promoting the Chetnik Movement. These texts made up as much as half of the contents of individual issues of the monthly Srpska reč. Putting together all the pro-Chetnik contents and the ED contents of the Srpska reč, we can conclude that, on average, over 60 percent of each issue's contents were exceptionally irrational, conservative, and nationalist. On the other hand, after its first few issues, the Demokratija preserved an ethic of responsibility and a critical stance towards the social reality and political situation in the country. After these first few issues, the ethnic discourse in this organ was present only as a precedent and derailment, and was not a commonplace of political rhetoric, unlike in the case of the Srpska reč. The leadership of the Democratic Party certainly played a role in setting up these standards of civil discourse in this organ but, paradoxically, it often also took responsibility for sharpening the 'national' line of reasoning within the frame of (forced) political pragmatism. Đinđić's or Mićunovićev's ethnic discourse from August 1990 and May 1991 was not supported by a corresponding change in the physiognomy of the paper, which remained predominantly rational, critically oriented, civil, and socially responsible. The analytical verification of facts in this paper certainly supports the thesis of Dubravka Stojanović from 1996 that there was no alternative to this programme in Serbia, at least not within the frame of these two most relevant opposition parties. Furthermore, this paper indicates that, in the summer and autumn of 1990 and in May 1991, the rhetoric of the party leaders of the Serbian Renewal Movement and Democratic Party attempted to be—and often was—more belligerent than Milošević's. As regards almost all questions of the internal order of Yugoslavia, and especially regarding the status of the autonomy of Kosovo and the regulation of the position of Serbian people outside Serbia, the solutions advocated by the opposition were more radical than the ones advocated by Slobodan Milošević's regime.