Suchergebnisse

Introduces a journal symposium (see abstracts of related articles) on the influence of pressure groups on politics in Belgium. The ambivalent character of the contribution of power groups to democracy is discussed, distinguishing explanations based on the pluralist tradition, according to which groups are channels to democracy, & elite theories, which stress the power of oligarchies in the democratic hierarchy. Subsequently, Ingrid Vanhoren's (1990) categorization of external (eg, cultural & structural situation) & internal (eg, financial power & organizational infrastructure) characteristics of groups is used to determine what renders some groups more powerful than others. It is argued that the characteristics of groups are related to structural logics of power. In postwar Belgium, dominant power structures include vertical pluralism or pillarization, pillar-crossing cleavages, neocorporatism, & postmaterialism. An attempt is made to contextualize the recent globalization processes within the framework of these structural logics of power. Adapted from the source document.

Modalities of censorship, disciplining practices and film. A comparative analysis of the historical reception of Sergei Eistenstein's battleship potemkin (1925) in Belgium and the Netherlands This article deals with the historical reception and censorship of one of the most controversial movies in film history, Sergei M. Eisenstein's Soviet-Russian propaganda film battleship potemkin (1925). After a short overview of its turbulent censorship in major Western European countries, the manuscript compares the Belgian and the Dutch cases. This comparative approach is useful in order to understand the differential effectiveness of the various forces trying to discipline the movie – from local municipalities to political parties, pressure groups and the industry itself. Besides the observation that the Dutch and Belgian cases strongly differ, also from those in countries with an obligatory national censorship system, the article demonstrates how the potemkin event became a site of struggle, the target of intense ideological pressures, debate and different types – modalities – of 'censorship'.

The Belgian politico-administrative relationship is known for its large ministerial cabinets who operate as interfaces between ministers & civil servants. According to Dierickx & Majersdorf (1994) ministerial cabinets are the central nodes in the Belgian policy-making networks, reducing the policy role of civil servants & shielding them from all relevant policy-making interactions. They found that pressure groups hardly ever turned to civil servants & stated that civil servants lived in an administrative beguinage. This article tests whether the conclusions of Dierickx & Majersdorf (1994) are still valid. Next, it seeks to explore the policy-making interactions of both actors in a more detailed way, since Dierickx & Majersdorf (1994) only measured the frequency of their contacts, not the direction, goal and/or content of the interactions. Based on a unique written survey-research among top civil servants & ministerial advisers, we discuss the role differences with regard to their interactions in four 'arenas.'. Adapted from the source document.

The results of a res project on small local-pressure groups in Amsterdam, treated within D. Easton's (A SYSTEMS ANALYSIS OF POLITICAL LIFE, New York, NY: 1967) theoretical framework for the analysis of pol'al systems. The municipality of Amsterdam was considered as the pol'al system & the rest of the Netherlands constituted the parameters of the system. The main analytical category used was 'demands,' because the concept 'support' caused considerable problems of operationalization. The activities of the groups are analyzed in 4 phases: feedback-stimuli, feedback-response, feedback-information, & output reaction. In the 1st phase a main distinction was introduced between groups which emerged as a result of an output of the authorities (the intra-genetic), & groups which emerged as a result of a situation in the parameters of the system (the extra-genetic). The 2nd phase includes the interpretation of the stimuli & the resulting formulation of demands. In the 3rd phase a distinction was made between indirect information feedback by means of activities such as demonstrations & appearance in the media of COMM; & direct information feedback by means of a direct contact with the authorities. The 4th phase was mainly dedicated to the behavior of the authorities. The main result of the res was the distinction between intra- & extra-genetic groups. This distinction was important for the following characteristics of the groups: intra-genetic groups more often appoint one man as the spokesman of the group; they consider more the people of certain parts of Amsterdam as concerned by their demands; they are more active in approaching the media of COMM; & are more often approached by authorities. Extra-genetic groups consider more the whole pop of Amsterdam or even the Netherlands as concerned by their demands; are more often related to pol'al parties; have less formal responsibility to the concerned people or members; & feel themselves less tied to the wishes of the people concerned. 5 Figures, 18 Tables. Modified HA.

The welfare state is analyzed through positive economic science & positive political theory. The axiomatic theory of consistent choice, leading to the idea of Pareto optimality, provides more rigorous analysis than the theory of the firm & of industrial organization; however, the latter theory more fully merges theory with the empirical testing of hypotheses. Theories of political phenomena can profit more from theories of the latter kind than from theories of the former kind. The central point is production of falsifiable theories of hypotheses & predictions, & the avoidance of confusions of description with prescription in dealing with political life. The debate over whether a socialist economy can coordinate decisions on the use of scarce resources, & the resulting questions over the social & economic role of the state, remain unresolved on theoretical grounds. Thus, economics cannot prescribe the proper role of the state. Attention must be given to the process & meaning of law making, the intended effects of laws & their compatibility with one another. There is thus a need for scientific & parliamentary scrutiny of their implementation in a democratic state under pressure from interest groups. There is a great need for analysis of the processes going on in the crumbling welfare state, rather than propaganda; providing this analysis is part of the vocation of academic leaders. Modified HA.