The paper looks into the relationship between industrial pressure groups and the state, comparing the experiences of Britain and Spain during the 19th and the first third of the 20th century. By analysing the decision-making processes, the collective action of economic groups and the adoption of public policy, I argue that they shared a common pattern: both states were basically autonomous facing the pressure of organized economic interests. I explore some of the causes that could explain such a similar pattern in countries with a very different model of development and also examine the tensions provoked by the strong autonomy of the state, mainly in the Spanish case. From this work it follows that the role of the state should be re-considered and reevaluated in explaining institutional change in western countries during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries.
Geniş halk kitlelerin yönetime katılması ve yönetim sürecinin aktörlerinin belirlenmesi ve yönetsel kararların alınmas ısürecine dahil edilmesi amacını taşıyan demokrasi ve bu anlayışa dayalı demokratik rejimler ülkeler ve kitleler içingerçekleştirilmek istenen bir idealdir. Totaliter ve otoriter rejimlerin tekçi, baskıcı, ifade ve örgütlenme özgürlüğünükısıtlayıcı, yönetimin belli bir kişi ya da grup/grupların elinde tutulması ve devam ettirilmesi anlayışına bir tür tepkiolarak, çoğulcu ve katılımcı bir yapıya kavuşturulması ile idealize edilen demokrasilerin en önemli aktörleri arasındabaskı grupları yer almaktadır. Bu çalışmada; temsil ettikleri kitlelerin çıkarlarını ve ülkülerini gerçekleştirmek üzereyönetsel karar verme mekanizmala rı üzerinde değişik yöntemler ile baskı kurmak sureti ile faaliyette bulunan buorganizasyonların demokratik rejimlerde ne tür yöntemlerle, hangi tür işlev gördükleri kavramsal / teorik çerçevedeliteratür taraması ve durum analizi yöntemi ile ele alınmaya çalışılacaktır. ; Democracy and democratic regimes based on this understanding, which aims to involve large masses of people in theadministration and to identify the actors of the management process and to take administrative decisions, is an idealfor countries and masses. One of the most important actors of democracies idealized by the pluralist and participatorydemocracies of totalitarian and authoritarian regimes is monist, oppressive, restricting the freedom of expression andassociation, and a kind of reaction to the concept of holding and maintaining the administration in the hands of acertain person or group / groups. printing groups. In this study; these organizations, which are operating by applyingdifferent methods on the managerial decision making mechanisms in order to realize the interests and ideals of themasses they represent, will be tried to be examined by the literature review and situation analysis method in theframework of conceptual / theoretical framework
Geniş halk kitlelerin yönetime katılması ve yönetim sürecinin aktörlerinin belirlenmesi ve yönetsel kararların alınması sürecine dahil edilmesi amacını taşıyan demokrasi ve bu anlayışa dayalı demokratik rejimler ülkeler ve kitleler için gerçekleştirilmek istenen bir idealdir. Totaliter ve otoriter rejimlerin tekçi, baskıcı, ifade ve örgütlenme özgürlüğünü kısıtlayıcı, yönetimin belli bir kişi ya da grup/grupların elinde tutulması ve devam ettirilmesi anlayışına bir tür tepki olarak, çoğulcu ve katılımcı bir yapıya kavuşturulması ile idealize edilen demokrasilerin en önemli aktörleri arasında baskı grupları yer almaktadır. Bu çalışmada; temsil ettikleri kitlelerin çıkarlarını ve ülkülerini gerçekleştirmek üzere yönetsel karar verme mekanizmaları üzerinde değişik yöntemler ile baskı kurmak sureti ile faaliyette bulunan bu organizasyonların demokratik rejimlerde ne tür yöntemlerle, hangi tür işlev gördükleri kavramsal / teorik çerçevede literatür taraması ve durum analizi yöntemi ile ele alınmaya çalışılacaktır. ; Democracy and democratic regimes based on this understanding, which aims to involve large masses of people in the administration and to identify the actors of the management process and to take administrative decisions, is an ideal for countries and masses. One of the most important actors of democracies idealized by the pluralist and participatory democracies of totalitarian and authoritarian regimes is monist, oppressive, restricting the freedom of expression and association, and a kind of reaction to the concept of holding and maintaining the administration in the hands of a certain person or group / groups. printing groups. In this study; these organizations, which are operating by applying different methods on the managerial decision making mechanisms in order to realize the interests and ideals of the masses they represent, will be tried to be examined by the literature review and situation analysis method in the framework of conceptual / theoretical framework
Business has played a central role in the debate over Britain's place in the European Union. This paper examines the socio-economic characteristics of directors of Britain's largest corporations who affiliated either to Business for Sterling or Britain in Europe. It reports associations between directors' social backgrounds and their probabilities of affiliation. Elite university education, club membership, wealth and multiple directorships were all associated with higher propensities to affiliate. The associations are consistent with the idea that directors' social resources allow them to overcome collective action problems as well as supplying them with the motivations to affiliate. They also indicated that directors form a privileged group in that they have a number of very powerful actors who can take unilateral political actions.
The Russian Federation played a crucial role in the ratification of the Kyoto Protocol. Indeed, after the US decision not to comply with the treaty, its ratification turned out to be indispensable for the Protocol to become legally binding. In early 2002, the Russian government decided to initiate the ratification process. However, notwithstanding this initial commitment, the country long hesitated to fulfil its promises, and for the last two years it sent numerous contradictory signals with respect to its position on climate policy. As a consequence, the factors that shape Russia's behaviour in the context of climate negotiations received increasing attention. The main focus has been on the economic and international aspects motivating the Russian strategy. This paper attempts to complete this analysis by concentrating on a further feature that significantly contributed to Russia's final decision, namely domestic forces. These factors have often been overlooked in the discussion of the Russian strategy. In order to fill this gap, this paper reconstructs the Russian ratification process, trying to identify the main domestic players and their role. Our findings provide various indications on the reasons of the recent developments in Russia, confirming the key role of the Russian President.
The theoretical discussion presents a comparison between the course and the form of actuation of the social movements and the pressure groups. These two kinds of collective action are not usually analyzed together because the points of view of the analysts do not have the same legitimacy level. We argue that despite the social movements had brought to Brazilian politics a new way of expression and action, pressure groups won legitimacy when start increasing their strength through the post-1985 redemocratization process. In view of the change in the way of representation in Brazil, nowadays the working class organizes itself both in social movements and pressure groups in order to guarantee their rights, especially in the legislative scope. ; Neste trabalho, faz-se uma discussão teórica, comparando a trajetória e a forma de atuação dos movimentos sociais e dos grupos de pressão. Esses dois modelos de ação coletiva não costumam ser analisados conjuntamente, pois, do ponto de vista dos especialistas, não possuem o mesmo grau de legitimidade. Argumentamos que, apesar de os movimentos sociais terem trazido à política brasileira uma nova maneira de expressão e ação, os grupos de pressão ganharam legitimidade ao se fortalecerem com o processo de redemocratização pós-1985. Em razão da mudança no formato de representação de interesses no Brasil, hoje a classe trabalhadora se organiza tanto em movimentos sociais quanto em grupos de pressão quando se trata de garantir seus direitos, principalmente no âmbito legislativo.
El presente artículo examina las formas de actuación de los grupos de presión en Estados Unidos. En tal sentido, el análisis se detiene en la actividad de influencia que intentan ejercer estos grupos en dos de los más importantes centros de decisiones políticas: el congreso y la presidencia. Al mismo tiempo, se le otorga especial atención al grado de legitimidad de los grupos de presión, en un país donde estos operan dentro de la ley y como parte del sistema político, a la par de que son cuestionados por determinadas prácticas ilegítimas.
Politische Parteien müssen die Diskrepanz zwischen ihrer Ideologie und dem politischen Diskurs sowie konkreten politischen Handlungen überbrücken. Daher sollte sich die Linke mit ihrem eigenen Diskurs kritisch auseinandersetzen.Diese Diplomarbeit wendet den Zugang der Kritischen Diskursanalyse an, um den Diskurs der Linken in Großbritannien zu untersuchen und um herauszufinden, ob und wie sehr der Diskurs linker politischer Parteien und Interessensgruppen mit der Ideologie der Linken übereinstimmt. Der Schwerpunkt liegt auf den Werten der Geschlechtergleichheit, der Gleichheit von Menschen unterschiedlicher Herkunft und des Kollektivismus. Um zu untersuchen, ob der Diskurs der britischen Linken in Einklang mit diesen Werten steht, wird eine linguistische Analyse von Texten der Grünen, der Liberaldemokraten, der Labour-Regierung (bis Mai 2010) und verschiedener Interessensgruppen durchgeführt. Die Darstellung von Frauen und Männern in Texten zu häuslicher und sexueller Gewalt, die Beschreibung von MigrantInnen und die Verwendung eines kollektivistischen oder individualistischen Arbeitsdiskurses werden untersucht.Die Analyse zeigt, dass der Diskurs der britischen Regierung eindeutig am wenigsten in Einklang mit der linken Ideologie steht, während der Diskurs der Interessensgruppen und der Grünen am meisten mit dieser übereinstimmen. Dies lässt vermuten, dass ein höherer Grad an Institutionalisierung einer politischen Partei oder Gruppierung eine stärkere Abweichung von ihren ursprünglichen Werten bedingt.Darüber hinaus beweist diese Arbeit, dass die Kritische Diskursanalyse ein hilfreicher Zugang ist, um sich mit sozialen Fragestellungen auseinanderzusetzen und dass man mit Hilfe einer linguistischen Analyse zu aussagekräftigen Schlussfolgerungen im Hinblick auf soziale Tendenzen kommen kann. ; The political Left frequently discusses and criticizes right-wing discourse. Although this fulfils an important social function, the Left also need to reflect on their own discourse. Left-wing political parties, and probably political parties in general, have to bridge the gap between their ideologies, convictions and proclaimed values on the one hand and political discourse as well as concrete political actions on the other.This thesis uses the approach of Critical Discourse Analysis to investigate the discourse of the Left in the UK and to determine whether and to what extent the discourse of left-wing political parties and pressure groups is in accordance with left-wing ideology. The main focus of the analysis is on the three values of gender equality, racial equality and collectivism. In order to investigate whether the discourse of left-wing politics in the UK is in accordance with these values, a linguistic analysis of texts from the Green Party, the Liberal Democrats, the Labour government (up to May 2010) and various pressure groups is carried out. The representation of women and men in texts about domestic and sexual violence, the description of immigrants and the use of a collectivist or individualist work discourse are examined.The analysis demonstrates that the discourse of the UK Labour government is clearly least in accordance with left-wing ideology while that of the pressure groups and the Greens is so most strongly. This implies that the more institutionalized a political party or group is, the less faithful it remains to its original values.On the methodological level, this thesis proves that Critical Discourse Analysis is a useful approach for analysing social issues and that by carrying out a linguistic analysis it is possible to arrive at meaningful conclusions about social tendencies. ; vorgelegt von Angela Pilz ; Abweichender Titel laut Übersetzung der Verfasserin/des Verfassers ; Zsfassung in dt. Sprache ; Graz, Univ., Dipl.-Arb., 2010 ; (VLID)211861
Here is an interesting snippet from Vassallo's book: when Malta acceded to the European Union on 1 May 2004, Jean Claude Junker, prime minister of Luxembourg, made a toast to his counterpart, Lawrence Gonzi, 'to celebrate the fact that, from then onward, his country would no longer be the smallest member state' (p. 19). ; N/A
In the present article the author proposes that is important to consider the theoretical contribution of Arthur Bentley focused strictly on pragmatic pluralism in his book The process of goverment, written in 1904, and current in our reflection. The momentous event in studies around lobbyists will be political-economic framework that reveals in the relations between the government and the corporate body as instances take decisive and decisionmakers in government execution. ; En el presente artículo la autora nos propone que la importancia de la aportación teórica de Arthur Bentley se centra propiamente en el pluralismo pragmático que incorpora en su libro The process of goverment, escrito en 1904, y vigente en su reflexión. El hecho trascendental en los estudios en torno a los grupos de presión será el entramado político-económico que devela en las relaciones establecidas entre el gobierno y el cuerpo que ocupan las corporaciones como instancias decisivas y decisorias en la ejecución gubernamental.