Suchergebnisse

This final project explained relevant theories of Economic Security in order to construct a definition State Economic Security consistent with modern academic literature and understandings. For this project State Economic Security is defined the protection of a given national economy from sudden intentional non-military disruptions to its economy caused by a foreign state or nonstate actor for the purposes of influencing the target state's policy'. Lithuania's State Economic Security is primarily shaped by state-to-state tensions between the Lithuanian government and the Russian Federation, and to a lesser extent Belarus and China. Threats to Lithuanian State Economic Security include proportional and scare resource and proportionally asymmetrical trading relationships, foreign ownership of key infrastructure and financial sectors. The article then compared Lithuanian State Economic Security with 23 other Similarly Situated States. Similarly Situated States are democratic states with a population greater than one million which have a tense political relationship with at least one close treading partner. The comparison found that three distinct groups of Similarly Situated States exist, the first group is most similar to Lithuania and consists of post-Soviet democracies which have political tensions with Russia. The second group is comprised of states which have tensions with China due to sovereignty or human rights issues. States in this group are found exclusively in Asia and Oceania. A third final group consists of States which have proprietary political tensions with various states and Latin American stats which Tense Trading relationships stemming from Pan-American regional political disputes. Lithuania has the highest per capita GDP in the Post-Soviet Democracies group and is near the ranks near the median of all tree groups on most other socio-economic indicators. The paper finally compared Lithuania with the other countries using quantitative composite State Economic Security resilience indicators in addition to the country specific State Economic Security situation in three of the states. The quantitative review found that Lithuania scores near the median of State Economic Security resilience indicators and is has the second highest level of latent state economic resilience in the first group, scoring slightly behind Estonia. The country specific review compared the circumstances in Lithuania to those in South Korea, Taiwan and Georgia. Section revealed that individual and regional circumstances enhance Lithuanian State Economic Security in comparison to the other 22 countries. The review also showed that Lithuanian State has economic conflicts more significant trading partners than any of the other countries reviewed.

This final project explained relevant theories of Economic Security in order to construct a definition State Economic Security consistent with modern academic literature and understandings. For this project State Economic Security is defined the protection of a given national economy from sudden intentional non-military disruptions to its economy caused by a foreign state or nonstate actor for the purposes of influencing the target state's policy'. Lithuania's State Economic Security is primarily shaped by state-to-state tensions between the Lithuanian government and the Russian Federation, and to a lesser extent Belarus and China. Threats to Lithuanian State Economic Security include proportional and scare resource and proportionally asymmetrical trading relationships, foreign ownership of key infrastructure and financial sectors. The article then compared Lithuanian State Economic Security with 23 other Similarly Situated States. Similarly Situated States are democratic states with a population greater than one million which have a tense political relationship with at least one close treading partner. The comparison found that three distinct groups of Similarly Situated States exist, the first group is most similar to Lithuania and consists of post-Soviet democracies which have political tensions with Russia. The second group is comprised of states which have tensions with China due to sovereignty or human rights issues. States in this group are found exclusively in Asia and Oceania. A third final group consists of States which have proprietary political tensions with various states and Latin American stats which Tense Trading relationships stemming from Pan-American regional political disputes. Lithuania has the highest per capita GDP in the Post-Soviet Democracies group and is near the ranks near the median of all tree groups on most other socio-economic indicators. The paper finally compared Lithuania with the other countries using quantitative composite State Economic Security resilience indicators in addition to the country specific State Economic Security situation in three of the states. The quantitative review found that Lithuania scores near the median of State Economic Security resilience indicators and is has the second highest level of latent state economic resilience in the first group, scoring slightly behind Estonia. The country specific review compared the circumstances in Lithuania to those in South Korea, Taiwan and Georgia. Section revealed that individual and regional circumstances enhance Lithuanian State Economic Security in comparison to the other 22 countries. The review also showed that Lithuanian State has economic conflicts more significant trading partners than any of the other countries reviewed.

This final project explained relevant theories of Economic Security in order to construct a definition State Economic Security consistent with modern academic literature and understandings. For this project State Economic Security is defined the protection of a given national economy from sudden intentional non-military disruptions to its economy caused by a foreign state or nonstate actor for the purposes of influencing the target state's policy'. Lithuania's State Economic Security is primarily shaped by state-to-state tensions between the Lithuanian government and the Russian Federation, and to a lesser extent Belarus and China. Threats to Lithuanian State Economic Security include proportional and scare resource and proportionally asymmetrical trading relationships, foreign ownership of key infrastructure and financial sectors. The article then compared Lithuanian State Economic Security with 23 other Similarly Situated States. Similarly Situated States are democratic states with a population greater than one million which have a tense political relationship with at least one close treading partner. The comparison found that three distinct groups of Similarly Situated States exist, the first group is most similar to Lithuania and consists of post-Soviet democracies which have political tensions with Russia. The second group is comprised of states which have tensions with China due to sovereignty or human rights issues. States in this group are found exclusively in Asia and Oceania. A third final group consists of States which have proprietary political tensions with various states and Latin American stats which Tense Trading relationships stemming from Pan-American regional political disputes. Lithuania has the highest per capita GDP in the Post-Soviet Democracies group and is near the ranks near the median of all tree groups on most other socio-economic indicators. The paper finally compared Lithuania with the other countries using quantitative composite State Economic Security resilience indicators in addition to the country specific State Economic Security situation in three of the states. The quantitative review found that Lithuania scores near the median of State Economic Security resilience indicators and is has the second highest level of latent state economic resilience in the first group, scoring slightly behind Estonia. The country specific review compared the circumstances in Lithuania to those in South Korea, Taiwan and Georgia. Section revealed that individual and regional circumstances enhance Lithuanian State Economic Security in comparison to the other 22 countries. The review also showed that Lithuanian State has economic conflicts more significant trading partners than any of the other countries reviewed.

This final project explained relevant theories of Economic Security in order to construct a definition State Economic Security consistent with modern academic literature and understandings. For this project State Economic Security is defined the protection of a given national economy from sudden intentional non-military disruptions to its economy caused by a foreign state or nonstate actor for the purposes of influencing the target state's policy'. Lithuania's State Economic Security is primarily shaped by state-to-state tensions between the Lithuanian government and the Russian Federation, and to a lesser extent Belarus and China. Threats to Lithuanian State Economic Security include proportional and scare resource and proportionally asymmetrical trading relationships, foreign ownership of key infrastructure and financial sectors. The article then compared Lithuanian State Economic Security with 23 other Similarly Situated States. Similarly Situated States are democratic states with a population greater than one million which have a tense political relationship with at least one close treading partner. The comparison found that three distinct groups of Similarly Situated States exist, the first group is most similar to Lithuania and consists of post-Soviet democracies which have political tensions with Russia. The second group is comprised of states which have tensions with China due to sovereignty or human rights issues. States in this group are found exclusively in Asia and Oceania. A third final group consists of States which have proprietary political tensions with various states and Latin American stats which Tense Trading relationships stemming from Pan-American regional political disputes. Lithuania has the highest per capita GDP in the Post-Soviet Democracies group and is near the ranks near the median of all tree groups on most other socio-economic indicators. The paper finally compared Lithuania with the other countries using quantitative composite State Economic Security resilience indicators in addition to the country specific State Economic Security situation in three of the states. The quantitative review found that Lithuania scores near the median of State Economic Security resilience indicators and is has the second highest level of latent state economic resilience in the first group, scoring slightly behind Estonia. The country specific review compared the circumstances in Lithuania to those in South Korea, Taiwan and Georgia. Section revealed that individual and regional circumstances enhance Lithuanian State Economic Security in comparison to the other 22 countries. The review also showed that Lithuanian State has economic conflicts more significant trading partners than any of the other countries reviewed.

The limits of competency, responsibilities and authorities of institutions are duplicated. Interest groups had an exceptional role in the development of environmental policy and governance by applying pressure due to actual questions on environmental quality.

The limits of competency, responsibilities and authorities of institutions are duplicated. Interest groups had an exceptional role in the development of environmental policy and governance by applying pressure due to actual questions on environmental quality.

In the last decades, the world has been facing important and rapid changes of global climate and other aspects of environment. In response to this, countries are adopting climate change laws and other environmental regulations, which are causing huge social tensions and involvement of lobby groups. Lithuanian environmental interest groups are increasingly influenced by Europeanization and a parallel process of institutionalization. Interestingly, Lithuania already accepted a Law on Lobbying Activities in 2000 and became a pioneer in Europe. The UK case is significant, because they have introduced the Climate Change Act 2008 and, due to high pressure from different interest groups, ENGOs and corporate sector. The aim of the article is to examine the main factors and determinants that influence legal environmental regulation as a consequence of lobbying in Lithuania and the UK. The analysis examines lobby effectiveness as the difference among interests groups policy preferences (before lobbying), proposed policy (after lobbying) and the general outcome of prominent cases. The results indicate that the ability of groups to influence decision making process varies with the policy issues.

The article addresses the question of why the Baltic countries chose internal devaluation over external devaluation in response to the economic crisis of 2008–2010. After describing the situation in the Baltics and the two main choices, the paper argues that economic explanations are insufficient in accounting for the choice. Several political explanations for the choice are laid out based on external pressure arguments, society-oriented perspective and institutional perspective. The paper finds that the external pressure hypothesis is unable to account for the Baltic decision, which rather reflected a very strong domestic consensus on the importance of safeguarding fixed exchange rates. This consensus in turn was based on both widespread support by the general society and concentrated producer groups. Nevertheless, society-oriented perspective cannot fully explain the Baltic choice either – economic policies pursued during the crisis can only be fully understood when analyzing specific historical conditions under which the fixed exchange rate institutional system and its supporting elements were created. Over time, self-enforcing effects of the system became apparent both in the ideational sphere (principled beliefs about nationhood as well as particular causal beliefs) and in the material one, largely through the credit channel (indebtedness in euros). The current crisis also witnessed tendencies largely reinforcing the institutional equilibrium that supports the fixed exchange rate system.

The article addresses the question of why the Baltic countries chose internal devaluation over external devaluation in response to the economic crisis of 2008–2010. After describing the situation in the Baltics and the two main choices, the paper argues that economic explanations are insufficient in accounting for the choice. Several political explanations for the choice are laid out based on external pressure arguments, society-oriented perspective and institutional perspective. The paper finds that the external pressure hypothesis is unable to account for the Baltic decision, which rather reflected a very strong domestic consensus on the importance of safeguarding fixed exchange rates. This consensus in turn was based on both widespread support by the general society and concentrated producer groups. Nevertheless, society-oriented perspective cannot fully explain the Baltic choice either – economic policies pursued during the crisis can only be fully understood when analyzing specific historical conditions under which the fixed exchange rate institutional system and its supporting elements were created. Over time, self-enforcing effects of the system became apparent both in the ideational sphere (principled beliefs about nationhood as well as particular causal beliefs) and in the material one, largely through the credit channel (indebtedness in euros). The current crisis also witnessed tendencies largely reinforcing the institutional equilibrium that supports the fixed exchange rate system.

The article addresses the question of why the Baltic countries chose internal devaluation over external devaluation in response to the economic crisis of 2008–2010. After describing the situation in the Baltics and the two main choices, the paper argues that economic explanations are insufficient in accounting for the choice. Several political explanations for the choice are laid out based on external pressure arguments, society-oriented perspective and institutional perspective. The paper finds that the external pressure hypothesis is unable to account for the Baltic decision, which rather reflected a very strong domestic consensus on the importance of safeguarding fixed exchange rates. This consensus in turn was based on both widespread support by the general society and concentrated producer groups. Nevertheless, society-oriented perspective cannot fully explain the Baltic choice either – economic policies pursued during the crisis can only be fully understood when analyzing specific historical conditions under which the fixed exchange rate institutional system and its supporting elements were created. Over time, self-enforcing effects of the system became apparent both in the ideational sphere (principled beliefs about nationhood as well as particular causal beliefs) and in the material one, largely through the credit channel (indebtedness in euros). The current crisis also witnessed tendencies largely reinforcing the institutional equilibrium that supports the fixed exchange rate system.

The article addresses the question of why the Baltic countries chose internal devaluation over external devaluation in response to the economic crisis of 2008–2010. After describing the situation in the Baltics and the two main choices, the paper argues that economic explanations are insufficient in accounting for the choice. Several political explanations for the choice are laid out based on external pressure arguments, society-oriented perspective and institutional perspective. The paper finds that the external pressure hypothesis is unable to account for the Baltic decision, which rather reflected a very strong domestic consensus on the importance of safeguarding fixed exchange rates. This consensus in turn was based on both widespread support by the general society and concentrated producer groups. Nevertheless, society-oriented perspective cannot fully explain the Baltic choice either – economic policies pursued during the crisis can only be fully understood when analyzing specific historical conditions under which the fixed exchange rate institutional system and its supporting elements were created. Over time, self-enforcing effects of the system became apparent both in the ideational sphere (principled beliefs about nationhood as well as particular causal beliefs) and in the material one, largely through the credit channel (indebtedness in euros). The current crisis also witnessed tendencies largely reinforcing the institutional equilibrium that supports the fixed exchange rate system.

There is an excessive concentration of media ownership in the hands of private interests that can be linked to the powerful societal actors. Highly concentrated groups that control organizations both in the media market and other fields of economy limit the variety of the media content on the national, regional and local levels. Since the property relations of the Lithuanian media subjects are only partially publicised and internal norms of behaviour and rules of the editorial offices are usually not developed, the management transparency of the media organisations is quite low. The economic pressure on the journalists is huge. Also one of the measures of reducing the journalist social benefits is a widespread practise not to enter into labour or authorship contracts, but rather to force them to work as freelancers on the basis of certificates issued by the State Tax Inspectorate. The analysed legal, political and economic factors of intervention in the media work process shows that the media independence from external actors is not ensured but the situation cannot be assessed as extremely critical from this point of view.

There is an excessive concentration of media ownership in the hands of private interests that can be linked to the powerful societal actors. Highly concentrated groups that control organizations both in the media market and other fields of economy limit the variety of the media content on the national, regional and local levels. Since the property relations of the Lithuanian media subjects are only partially publicised and internal norms of behaviour and rules of the editorial offices are usually not developed, the management transparency of the media organisations is quite low. The economic pressure on the journalists is huge. Also one of the measures of reducing the journalist social benefits is a widespread practise not to enter into labour or authorship contracts, but rather to force them to work as freelancers on the basis of certificates issued by the State Tax Inspectorate. The analysed legal, political and economic factors of intervention in the media work process shows that the media independence from external actors is not ensured but the situation cannot be assessed as extremely critical from this point of view.

There is an excessive concentration of media ownership in the hands of private interests that can be linked to the powerful societal actors. Highly concentrated groups that control organizations both in the media market and other fields of economy limit the variety of the media content on the national, regional and local levels. Since the property relations of the Lithuanian media subjects are only partially publicised and internal norms of behaviour and rules of the editorial offices are usually not developed, the management transparency of the media organisations is quite low. The economic pressure on the journalists is huge. Also one of the measures of reducing the journalist social benefits is a widespread practise not to enter into labour or authorship contracts, but rather to force them to work as freelancers on the basis of certificates issued by the State Tax Inspectorate. The analysed legal, political and economic factors of intervention in the media work process shows that the media independence from external actors is not ensured but the situation cannot be assessed as extremely critical from this point of view.

There is an excessive concentration of media ownership in the hands of private interests that can be linked to the powerful societal actors. Highly concentrated groups that control organizations both in the media market and other fields of economy limit the variety of the media content on the national, regional and local levels. Since the property relations of the Lithuanian media subjects are only partially publicised and internal norms of behaviour and rules of the editorial offices are usually not developed, the management transparency of the media organisations is quite low. The economic pressure on the journalists is huge. Also one of the measures of reducing the journalist social benefits is a widespread practise not to enter into labour or authorship contracts, but rather to force them to work as freelancers on the basis of certificates issued by the State Tax Inspectorate. The analysed legal, political and economic factors of intervention in the media work process shows that the media independence from external actors is not ensured but the situation cannot be assessed as extremely critical from this point of view.