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Using Sabatier's Advocacy Coalition Framework, the development of the Broadcasting Services Amendment (Online Services) Act 1999 is presented. Introduced to control the flow of online content (especially pornography) into and within Australia, this policy area incorporates a mix of high technology, morality and commercial interests. Analysis of the development of the Act is presented over five periods that show: the activation and formation of competing coalitions; acquisition of information and arguments about what form (if any) government regulation should take; and the relative importance of the issue. Analysis shows a number of relatively stable advocacy coalitions formed rapidly in response to government moves for regulation. The stability of these coalitions was significantly influenced by shor ‐term changes in regulatory technology and the nature of the political discourse used by the government which raised or lowered the 'temperature' of subsystem conflict. The article makes a number of methodological comments about the application of multivariate clustering to subsystem analysis.

To what extent are Internet users resilient to online censorship? When does censorship influence consumption of information and when does it create backlash? Drawing on a growing literature on Internet users' reactions to censorship, I posit that awareness of censorship, incentives to seek out information, and resources to circumvent censorship are essential to resilience to censorship. I describe how authoritarian regimes have adapted their strategies of censorship to reduce both awareness of censorship and demand for uncensored information.

This paper explores the development of Internet regulation policies worldwide since the birth of the World Wide Web, describes the advantages and disadvantages of the main filtering methods in use today, and presents two of the most important Internet Regulation Systems (IRS) implemented in authoritarian regimes and Western democracies around the globe. Moreover, the authors propose the conduction of well-designed surveys worldwide in order to measure Internet User's opinion and use such results as a starting point for developing a fair "Internet Regulation System" (fair IRS) in the future. Last, the authors introduce a new online tool for conducting related surveys, www.WebObserver.net project.

A commentary on how, more than a decade after the military coups, a hangover from the post-coup 1990 Constitution of Fiji cast a shadow on the media and journalism education methodology in 1998, in spite of the new "free specch" 1997 Constitution.

Historically, librarians in the United States have addressed censorship of LGBTIQ print materials. Most of the time, school and public libraries have chosen to "self-censor". In other words, librarians will either choose not to select LGBT materials, shelve LGBT materials in hidden locations, fail to promote LGBTIQ materials, "hide" LGBT materials during processing and cataloging, or remove LGBTIQ materials from their collections completely. The American Libraries Association does not condone these practices, as they go against the American Libraries Association Bill of Rights. Unfortunately, librarians working in public libraries and K-12 school media centers in the United States may be more likely to restrict access to LGBTIQ online content. Whether through filtering, inappropriate cataloging practices, failure to promote LGBTIQ resources through the library website, or not selecting particular LGBTIQ EBooks for patron-driven acquisitions systems, people seeking out LGBTIQ information online at their public libraries or school media centers might be denied access. Children and teenagers, people with disabilities, the homeless, and the transgender community are populations most frequently affected by such intentional or accidental online censorship. While Americans often criticize other countries for implementing laws that restrict all citizens' access to online content addressing LGBTIQ subjects or other content deemed illegal by their governments, Americans feel the need to "protect" children and teens from content they perceive as "inappropriate". Librarians, pressured by the Children's Internet Protection Act (CIPA) and the Children's Online Privacy Protection Rule (COPPA), as well as the desires of concerned parents, are reconsidering "freedom of access" to anything that the community would consider pornographic or sacreligious. At the same time, use of filters to restrict non-pornographic online LGBTIQ content in American libraries is now leading to lawsuits. Librarians who must comply with CIPA and COPPA need more training on how to employ filters without restricting content or online spaces appropriate for minors.

AbstractThe Internet and digital technologies have become indispensable in academia. A world without email, search engines, and online databases is practically unthinkable. Yet, in this time of digital dependence, the academy barely demonstrates an appetite to reflect upon the new challenges that digital technologies have brought to the scholarly profession. This forum's inspiration was a roundtable discussion at the 2017 International Studies Association Annual Convention, where many of the forum authors agreed on the need for critical debate about the effects of online surveillance and censorship techniques on scholarship. This forum contains five critiques regarding our digitized infrastructures, datafied institutions, mercenary corporations, exploitative academic platforms, and insecure online practices. Together, this unique collection of articles contributes to the research on academic freedom and helps to frame the analysis of the neoliberal higher education sector, the surveillance practices that students and staff encounter, and the growing necessity to improve our "digital hygiene."

AbstractTo what degree are news websites in autocracies resilient to online censorship? I explore this question in Egypt, which has begun to heavily censor news websites in recent years, alongside several other autocracies. Relying on a sample of 145 news outlets, I systematically explore how blocking affects traffic on outlets and their current statuses. Statistical tests show that blocked Egyptian outlets lost on average 54–55 per cent of their global traffic and are more likely to halt their activity. Heterogeneity analyses reveal that the loss in traffic was particularly strong for independent, Islamist opposition and larger outlets, and that permanently blocked websites were substantially more likely to halt services. These results support previous work on state repression and information control showing that censorship often works in reducing the consumption and provision of alternative political information.

В статье рассматривается развитие сетевых СМИ и сформированный по отношению к ним политический режим цензуры и контроля в современном Таджикистане. Анализируются механизмы политического режима цензуры и контроля над информационным пространством, выявляются методы их контроля над сетевыми СМИ. Исследование ситуации, сложившейся в информационном поле Таджикистана, позволяет автору сделать вывод о том, что появление сетевых СМИ в стране значительным образом способствовало формированию новой модели коммуникации между властью и обществом, однако вместе с тем изменились и механизмы реализации политического режима цензуры и контроля над медийными ресурсами. Эффекты этого контроля отражаются в самоцензуре и политкорректности у пользователей как традиционных СМИ, присутствующих в Интернете, так и СМИ, непосредственно выходящих в сетевой среде. Создавая формат поведения СМИ, политический режим цензуры и контроля выступает залогом информационной безопасности, но при этом данная стратегия не исключает применения коммуникационных интернет-технологий в системе политического управления в стране.

Internet is a global market place. The rapid development of the Internet, and especially of Internet-based commerce, has largely taken place outside the standard trade-regulatory frameworks that cover most other forms of cross-border commerce. As the size of the Internet markets has grown, and as their contribution to the overall economy has become more pronounced, more attention has been given to regulatory concerns, such as traderestrictive measures, damaging the climate of trade and investment in the fields of e-commerce, informationbased services and online transmissions. One such measure is the blockage of access to websites. This paper suggests that many WTO member states are legally obliged to permit an unrestricted supply of crossborder Internet services. And as the option to selectively censor rather than entirely block services is available to at least some of the most developed censorship regimes (most notably China), there is a good chance that a panel might rule that permanent blocks on search engines, photo-sharing applications and other services are inconsistent with the GATS provisions, even given morals and security exceptions. Less resourceful countries, without means of filtering more selectively, and with a censorship based on moral and religious grounds, might be able to defend such bans in the WTO. But the exceptions do not offer a blanket cover for the arbitrary and disproportionate censorship that still occurs despite the availability to the censoring government of selective filtering.