Suchergebnisse

Životnim opredjeljenjem za Krista, širenjem i svjedočenjem Radosne vijesti Marica Stanković mnogo je putovala i pisala, držala brojna predavanja. Za vjernički apostolat u svjedočenju Papa Pijo XII. odlikovao ju je 1943. god. crkvenim odličjem "Pro Ecclesia et Pontifice – Za Crkvu i Papu". Uz brojne članke po mnogim časopisima pisala je i knjige, meditacije i druge tekstove te nam tako ostavila svjedočanstvo o svome katoličkom odgojnom radu osobito među ženskom mladeži. Velika većina njenih tekstova nije objavljena za njezina života, osobito ona koja su napisana u vremenu nakon Drugog svjetskog rata. Tek nakon sloma komunističkog režima djela Marice Stanković su nam postala dostupna, neka tiskana a neka su još uvijek u ruko- pisu te nam daju poticaj za istraživanje pisane riječi ove učiteljice, istaknute katoličke aktivistice. Svojim dnevničkim zapisima o robijaškim danima u kaznionici u Požegi ostavlja nam u baštinu i zalog pisani trag prema kojem možemo donekle saznati kroz kakvu torturu su prolazile zatvorenice pa i drugi osuđenici zatvoreni zbog svojih političkih i vjerskih uvjerenja. Zbog svojih kršćanskih uvjerenja i velikog odgojnog utjecaja na mladež komunističke vlasti su je osudile na montiranom procesu na pet godina robije koje je provela od 1947. do 1952. u logoru u Požegi. Na suđenju je hrabro uzviknula "Živio Krist Kralj, živio Papa, živjela kršćanska Europa!", potom je s djevojkama s kojima je bila zajedno suđena nakon pročitane presude svečano u sudnici zapjevala: "Christus vincit, Christus regnat, Christus imperat – Krist vlada, Krist pobjeđuje, Krist vječno kraljuje." ; Guided by apostolic zeal in spreading Christ's Kingdom, Marica Stanković much traveled and wrote, held numerous lectures and everywhere witnessed in favor of Christ. The Pope Pius XII awarded her, in 1943, the Church medal "Pro Ecclesia et Pontifice - For the Church and the Pope." In addition to numerous articles that she had written in many magazines, she also published books, meditations and other texts, through which she thus left to us a testimony of her Catholic educational work especially among female youth. The vast majority of her texts were not published during her life, especially the ones that were written in the aftermath of World War II. It was not before the collapse of the communist regime that the works of Marica Stanković became available to us, some typed while the others were still available as manuscripts; thus giving us an additional initiative to explore the written word of this teacher, the prominent Catholic activist. The entries in her diary, dating back to her penal days in the Pozega prison, left rich heritage and memories of the severity of torture that the prisoners were subjected to, the prisoners jailed due to their political and/or religious beliefs. Due to her Christian beliefs and the great educational impact she had on the younger population, the communist authorities sentenced her to a five year imprisonment, which she was forced to serve from 1947 to 1952 in the Pozega camp. During the trial, she bravely cried "Long live Christ the King, long live the Pope, lived Christian Europe!". Along with the girls who were also condemned and prosecuted there, after having heard the final verdict, all solemnly sang: "Christus vincit, Christus Regnat, Christus imperat."

U Hrvatskoj su nakon Drugoga svjetskog rata za prehranu i opskrbu ratnih zarobljenika i osoba osuđenih na lišenje slobode s prisilnim radom uvedeni i korišteni novčani bonovi. Za prehranu i opskrbu osuđenica u Zavodu za prisilni rad Požega bonovi su uvedeni najvjerojatnije 1946. (izdanje: Zavod za prisilni rad Požega), bonovi za prehranu i opskrbu osuđenika na prisilnom radu u Fužinama uvedeni su najvjerojatnije 1950. (izdanje: Narodna Republika Hrvatska Uprava osuđeničke radne snage "Hidroelektra" Fužine), a bonovi za prehranu i opskrbu osuđenika na prisilnom radu u Sisku uvedeni su najvjerojatnije 1951. (izdanje: Uprava osuđeničke radne snage Sisak-Predgrađe). Zatvorski/logorski bonovi u Hrvatskoj 1945.-1951. malo su poznati, iako su zanimljiv prilog poznavanju represivnoga sustava, a i novčarske povijesti u razdoblju "narodne demokracije" u Jugoslaviji. ; After the Second World War money coupons were introduced and used in Croatia for the food and supplies of war prisoners and persons deprived of freedom with forced labour. Coupons for the food and supplies of women prisoners in the Forced Labour Institution in Požega were probably introduced in 1946 (issued by the Požega Institution for Forced Labour), coupons for the food and supplies of prisoners sentenced to forced labour in Fužine were probably introduced in 1950 (issued by the People's Republic of Croatia, "Hidroelektra" Fužine Administration for Prisoners' Labour), and coupons for the food and supplies of prisoners sentenced to forced labour in Sisak were probably introduced in 1951 (issued by the Sisak-Predgrađe Administration for Prisoners' Labour). The prison/camp coupons in Croatia from 1945-1951 are not well known although they are an interesting aspect of knowledge about the repression system and monetary history in the period of the "peoples' democracy" in Yugoslavia.

U radu se prikazuje razvoj kaznene politike u Engleskoj i Walesu, kao posebnoj kaznenopolitičkoj jedinici unutar Ujedinjenog Kraljevstva. Koristi se politologijski koncept transfera javnih politika koji opisuje mehanizme prijenosa javnih politika između različitih političkih sustava. Rad nastoji pokazati kako se reforme kaznene politike devedesetih godina 20. stoljeća u Ujedinjenom Kraljevstvu mogu u određenoj mjeri objasniti kao slučaj ideologijski motiviranog uvoza kaznene politike iz SAD-a. Analizom slučaja nastoji se ukazati na širu pojavu putovanja različitih kaznenih tehnologija, retoričkih obrazaca i javnopolitičkih rješenja koja obilježavaju suvremeno stvaranje kaznene politike – važnu s obzirom na i dalje postojeće ambicije harmonizacije javnih politika u okvirima europskih integracija. ; This paper presents the development of penal policy in England and Wales, as a distinct unit of penal policy making within the United Kingdom. The paper uses the political science concept of policy transfer that describes the mechanisms of transmission of policy between different political systems. The work aims to show how the penal policy reforms of the 1990s in the United Kingdom can be explained as a case of ideologically motivated import of penal policy from the United States. Within the framework of a case study, the aim is to point to a general phenomenon of the traveling of various penal technologies, rhetorical patterns and policy solutions that characterize modern penal policy making. This is relevant given the still existing ambition of policy harmonization within the framework of European integrations.

Djeca čiji su roditelji u zatvoru predstavljaju posebno ranjivu skupinu. U radu se daje pregled zakonima zajamčenih prava djece i poteškoća u prepoznavanju najboljeg interesa djeteta i poštovanju prava djeteta čiji je roditelj u zatvoru. Također, daju se i neki primjeri dobre prakse u svijetu. Prava djece čiji su roditelji u zatvoru zajamčena su Konvencijom o pravima djeteta, Ustavom RH, Obiteljskim zakonom, Zakonom o zabrani diskriminacije, Zakonom o izvršenju kazne zatvora i mnogim drugim propisima i aktima na međunarodnoj i na nacionalnoj razini. U praksi, prava koja su zakonski zajamčena djeci zatvorenika ne ostvaruju se i krše se. To se prije svega događa zbog nedovoljne osviještenosti stručnjaka i javnosti o ovoj skupini djece i nedovoljne prepoznatosti ove djece kako na međunarodnoj tako i na regionalnim razinama, nedovoljnog znanja o utjecaju kazne zatvora roditelja na dijete i nedovoljnoj senzibiliziranosti unutar različitih sustava (prvenstveno zatvorskog) za potrebe i prava ove djece. U posljednjih desetak godina ipak se primjećuju pomaci i promjene glede znanja o potrebama djece čiji su roditelji u zatvoru, no to još uvijek nije dovoljno. Zaključno, temeljem predstavljenih nalaza i dosadašnjih iskustava, predložene su smjernice za unapređenje zaštite prava i interesa djece čiji su roditelji na izdržavanju kazne zatvora, kako na razini socijalne politike, tako i na razini neposrednog rada stručnjaka koji se unutar različitih resora i struka bave ovom skupinom djece. ; Children of imprisoned parents represent an especially vulnerable group. The paper will display the data about the rights of the children which are guaranteed by law and the difficulties in recognizing and respecting the best interest of the child and the rights of the child whose parents are in prison. Additionally, some examples of the good practice in the world will be displayed. The rights of the children of imprisoned parents are guaranteed by the Convention on the Rights of the Child, the Constitution of the Republic of Croatia, Family Law, The Law on Prohibition of Discrimination, Law on Imprisonment and many other documents on the international and the national level. In practice, the rights which are guaranteed to the children by the law are not realized and are often violated. This is happening first of all because of the lack of awareness about these children and the lack of their recognition on the international and regional levels, furthermore because of the lack of knowledge about the implications of parental imprisonment on the child and because of the lack of sensibility among different systems (mostly the prison system) for the needs and rights of children of imprisoned parents. During the last ten years, some moves and changes have been made with regard to the knowledge about the needs of the children whose parents are in prison, but this is still not enough. In the end, some suggestions are made on the level of national policy and on the level of different systems and professionals who get in touch with the children of imprisoned parents.

U radu se prikazuje razvoj kaznene politike u Sjedinjenim Američkim Državama od 1960-ih do danas. U SAD-u je u tom razdoblju kaznenu politiku obilježilo povećanje kaznenosti i kaznene populacije, ali i pad stope nasilnih zločina od 1990-ih naovamo. Tekst longitudinalno prati nekoliko problemskih žarišta i institucionalnih segmenata kaznene politike: predsjedničku politiku, politiku Vrhovnoga suda s obzirom na smrtnu kaznu i maloljetničko pravosuđe, te zatvorski sustav. Na kraju nudi raspravu o objašnjenju kaznenih promjena s obzirom na kulturne i institucionalne faktore i daje pregled razmišljanja o budućem razvoju politike u ovome u SAD-u politički zasićenom području koje je obilježilo i posljednje predsjedničke izbore na kojima je pobijedio Donald Trump ; This paper presents the development of penal policy in the United States from the 1960s to the present day. In the United States during that period, the penal policy was marked by the increase of punitiveness and penal population, but also by the declining rate of violent crime from the 1990s onwards. The text longitudinally traces several problems and institutional segments of the penal policy: the presidential politics, the politics of the Supreme Court with regard to the death penalty and juvenile justice, and the prison system. In the end, a discussion of the explanation of penal changes with regard to cultural and institutional factors is offered, as well as an overview of the reflections on the future development of policy in this politically saturated area that marked the last presidential election in which Donald Trump emerged victorious.

Although Gavella could not have ever heard of Goffman's work, since he was primarily learned in German philosophical tradition, the two theoreticians do share a common interest in the two-way relationship of theatrical acting and everyday performing. True, Gavella is in the early fifties an already well established director and thinker, while Goffman only starts to develop his dramaturgical methodology, but both in their reflections draw on the same philosophical ground, that is, on phenomenology: Gavella in order to build his theory of acting on a certain difference with respect to the everyday performing, whereas Goffman in order to build a theory of everyday performing on a certain similarity to acting. Gavella had hard time in establishing the mentioned difference, still firmly believing in the utopian aspects of his aesthetics, while Goffman was accused of cynicism, of a distopian view of the prison-house of social »language«. The stunning correlation of crucial concepts and ideas of both of these theoreticians (»face-work«; »norm«, »normalcy«, »tact«, »mask«, »sincerity«, »looking-glass self«, »misunderstanding«, etc.) testify to a common obsession with the ways in which the study of misperformances in everyday face-to-face interaction reveals a fundamental crack in social ontology, and therefore in essential, irreducible selfhood as well. Far from matching the refined spectrum of Goffman's endlessly multiplying »frames of experience«, Gavella's extensive anthropological digressions on tacit norms and values ruling social interaction insist on consequences of such insights for the analysis of a specific, Croatian »social atmosphere«. In his view, Croatian milieu engendered a kind of sociality that, due to various historical, economical and political factors, demonstrates symptoms of »deep disturbances« and therefore, on one hand, does not provide a »material of actor's creativity« rich enough, while on the other, is in dire need of the actor's help to find a way out of its cultural impasses.

U tekstu se razmatra revizionistička struja u suvremenoj hrvatskoj historiografiji, a posredno i u politici, koja se bavi Nezavisnom Državom Hrvatskom (1941-1945). Revizionistički narativ čine tri glavne postavke: (a) NDH je bila normalna onodobna protupobunjenička država koja nije koristila državni teror kako bi uništila vjerske i etničke zajednice koje su u ustaškoj ideologiji i politici bile određene kao prirodni ili organski neprijatelji te tvorevine, nego je primjenjivala ograničena legitimna sredstva borbe da bi se zaštitila od političkih pobunjenika; (b) u NDH nisu izvršeni masovni zločini, a kamoli genocid, ni nad Srbima, ni nad Židovima, ni nad Romima; štoviše, glavne žrtve bili su Hrvati te zločine NDH treba desrbizirati i dejudeizirati; (c) logor Jasenovac bio je samo radni i sabirni logor, a ne koncentracijski logor smrti, u koji je NDH privodila političke protivnike kako bi se zaštitila od njihova razornog djelovanja, a ne kako bi ih ubijala; pravi smrtonosni logor u Jasenovcu osnovala je tek jugoslavenska komunistička vlast poslije svršetka Drugoga svjetskog rata. Pokušavajući dekonstruirati "jasenovački mit", revizionisti zapravo nastoje dekonstruirati "mit o genocidu" u NDH, a time potpuno ili djelomice rehabilitirati NDH. ; This article analyses the revisionist currents in Croatian contemporary historiography – and implicitly also in politics – which in its focus has interpretation of the Independent State of Croatia (NDH, 1941-1945). Three main elements of the revisionist narative are: a) NDH was just a normal state concerned with rebellion in its own territory, rather than the state which used state terror to exterminate religious and ethnic communities marked as its "natural and organic enemies". In other words, it only applied limited and legitimate instruments to protect itself from its political opponents. b) There were no massive crimes, and especially no genocide, neither against the Serbs, nor Jewish or Roma population. On the contrary, the main victims in 1941-1945 had been Croats, and thus the crimes of NDH should be de-Serbianized and de-Jewisized. c) Jasenovac was only a labour camp and prison, not a concentration death camp. The NDH used it for gathering and arresting its political opponents in order to prevent them from pursuing their destructive actions against the state. The real death camp in Jasenovac was formed only in 1945 by post-NDH communist authorities. By deconstructing what they call the "Jasenovac myth", the revisionists are in fact trying to deconstruct "the myth of genocide by NDH", and thus to rehabilitate the NDH either completely or partially.