The author analyzes the problems of the relationship between the peasants and the state authority in Croatia concerning the restrictive policy of compulsory selling of agricultural produce. In the first postwar years the compulsory selling was intended to provide food for the population in passive regions. Later, that was a way to provide raw materials for industry and supplies for the cities. The so-called class policy towards the country was systematically built in the policy of compulsory selling, which was one of the main causes of the peasants' unrests in 1949. Different forms of resistance to that policy had reflected the accumulated social and political discontent which resulted in demonstrations, destruction of individual property, setting fire to the state property, and physical and armed attacks onto representatives of the authorities. (SOI : CSP: S. 232)
In this paper, we analyse two recent contributions to the Marxist critique of the political economy of art: the article "Artistic Labor and the Production of Value: An Attempt at a Marxist Interpretation" by José María Durán and the book Art and Value: Art's Economic Exceptionalism in Classical, Neoclassical and Marxist Economics by Dave Beech. While Durán emphasizes the emergence of the legal category of intellectual property rights as crucial for value production in art, Beech has reached the contrary conclusion that artistic labour does not produce value and that artistic production is therefore excepted from capitalist commodity production. In our paper, we criticize both conclusions. While agreeing with Beech that artistic labour does not produce value and is thus excepted from the ideology of commodity fetishism, we believe that through the ideology of converted forms it nevertheless becomes part of capitalist commodity production. We would argue that the sector of artistic production, through the converted form of monopoly rent, establishes a production relation with other, competitive, sectors of capitalist economy. This production relation is enabled by the ideology of aesthetic fetishism, supported by the ideology of legal fetishism through the category of intellectual property rights. Contrary to Durán, we thus conclude that intellectual property rights allow for a hidden transfer of surplus value produced by the workers in the competitive sectors of the capitalist economy. ; U tekstu analiziramo dva novija priloga marksističkoj kritici političke ekonomije umetnosti: članak "Umetnički rad i proizvodnja vrednosti: pokušaj marksističke interpretacije" Hozea Marije Durana [José María Durán] i knjigu Umetnost i vrednost: ekonomska izuzetnost umetnosti u klasičnoj, neoklasičnoj i marksističkoj ekonomici Dejva Biča [Dave Beech]. Dok Duran u svojoj analizi daje naglasak zasnivanju pravne kategorije prava na intelektualno vlasništvo kao determinanti proizvodnje vrednosti u umetničkoj proizvodnji, Bič dolazi u svojoj knjizi do suprotnog zaključka da umetnički rad ne proizvodi vrednost i da je time umetnička proizvodnja izuzeta iz kapitalističke robne proizvodnje. U našem tekstu kritikujemo oba zaključka. Sa Bičom se slažemo da umetnički rad ne proizvodi vrednost i da je time izuzet iz ideologije robnog fetišizma, ali smatramo da on putem ideologije preobraženih oblika postaje deo kapitalističke robne proizvodnje. Tvrdimo da sektor umetničke proizvodnje putem preobraženog oblika monopolske rente zasniva proizvodni odnos sa drugim, konkurentskim, sektorima kapitalističke privrede. Ovaj proizvodni odnos je omogućen ideologijom estetskog fetišizma koju podržava ideologija pravnog fetišizma putem kategorije prava na vlasništvo intelektualne svojine. Contra Duranu zaključujemo da pravo na vlasništvo intelektualne svojine omogućava skriveni prenos viška vrednosti koji su proizveli radnici konkurentskog sektora kapitalističke privrede.
In the first part of the article, the author analyses the latest dimensions of on the territory of the former Yugoslavia stemming from the Dayton and Paris accords. His starting point is the geographical criterion which produces five trouble spots which may jeopardize the process of security-building. He concludes that only a determined application of political, diplomatic and economic pressures, as well as military presence, may bring about a new dimension of security in Southeastern Europe. The second part of the article gives a review the analyses of the disintegration of Yugoslavia and the creation of new state this part of Europe, as well as of the concepts and schemes for a certain degr linkage and bringing together, the most prominent of which is the American initiative for the co-operation in Southeastern Europe. It is obvious that this region will go on being viewed through different lenses and that the interests of the observers, more than those of the peoples living in this part of Europe, will get precedence. (SOI : PM: S. 23)
Energy security and stability has become a major issue over the last few years in the whole world's economic and social development. Despite its high development and evolution of its approach to the issue of energy security, the European Union is also facing the problem of decreasing its role in reducing human impact on the climate. Energy is of essential importance for the development of any country, including Bosnia and Herzegovina. Without adequate policies in the energy sector bussines, industrial and economic progress is not possible either. However, regardless of how energy is important for the development, it is still only a mechanism for achieving an ultimate goal – sustainable economy, clean environment, high living standards, prosperity and population health. According to the official data, Bosnia and Herzegovina produces annually about 13.600 GWh (data from 2010), out of which 7.950 GWh in thermal power plants and 5.650 GWh in hydro power plants. Basic domestic energy sources in Bosnia and Herzegovina include coal and hydropower, while gas and oil are imported. This paper gives an overview of future of the European Union energy policy by 2020, together with the situation and outlooks for Bosnia and Herzegovina renewable energy sources: hydropower, wind power, solar energy, biomass and geothermal energy. The legislation of renewable sources in the Federation of BIH, as well as the European Union's legislative framework, are also presented. ; Energy security and stability has become a major issue over the last few years in the whole world's economic and social development. Despite its high development and evolution of its approach to the issue of energy security, the European Union is also facing the problem of decreasing its role in reducing human impact on the climate. Energy is of essential importance for the development of any country, including Bosnia and Herzegovina. Without adequate policies in the energy sector bussines, industrial and economic progress is not possible either. However, regardless of how energy is important for the development, it is still only a mechanism for achieving an ultimate goal – sustainable economy, clean environment, high living standards, prosperity and population health. According to the official data, Bosnia and Herzegovina produces annually about 13.600 GWh (data from 2010), out of which 7.950 GWh in thermal power plants and 5.650 GWh in hydro power plants. Basic domestic energy sources in Bosnia and Herzegovina include coal and hydropower, while gas and oil are imported. This paper gives an overview of future of the European Union energy policy by 2020, together with the situation and outlooks for Bosnia and Herzegovina renewable energy sources: hydropower, wind power, solar energy, biomass and geothermal energy. The legislation of renewable sources in the Federation of BIH, as well as the European Union's legislative framework, are also presented.
This article's point of departure is that the national self-determination doctrine remains one of the most paradoxical, contested, but successful doctrines which has largely contributed to the shape of our existing international system of nation-states. It argues that the doctrine which is intended to safeguard peace and human dignity is and always has been at the heart of many conflicts. Starting with the tension between the universality of the national self-determination doctrine and the particularity of the national group whose interests it promotes, the article explores other paradoxes contained within this doctrine. They range from political and legitimacy challenges to the very nation-state it creates, through the violations of human rights contrary to its very meaning, to the fact that national self-determination doctrine, far from being a national issue, is actually an international affair. While not rejecting the doctrine, the paper concludes with the final (ninth) paradox that perhaps the success of this doctrine should not be measured by how many states it can produce, but how it can make the existing states a safe home for more self-differentiating national groups. Adapted from the source document.
At the end of 2012 and the beginning of 2013, the Serbian Government issued the new national regulations in order to provide an acceptable legislation framework to achieve 2020 targets of 27% increase of total renewable energy sources share in the gross final energy consumption, relative to 2009. The target of a 37% increase relates to participation of renewable energy sources in electricity production. It requires construction of new significant capacities of renewable energy power plants as clearly defined in the National Action Plan for Renewable Energy Sources.This paper comprises critical analyses of targeted new installed capacity of renewable energy power plants for electricity production from different point of views, such as: new national energy policy, new national regulations, renewable energy sources potential in Serbia, efficiency of power plants and the investment financial models.According to the new national energy policy identified in the National Action Plan for Renewable Energy Sources, it is concluded that the new regulations related to the construction of new renewable energy power plants is completed, particularly concerning the investment security, provision of green electricity market, status of green electricity producer, and significant reduction of time for administrative procedures required to obtain a building permit. Particularly, the real wind potential in Serbia, based on the measured data over the past ten years of measurement campaigns at more than thirty locations, has been used to correct the targeted installed capacity of wind power plants. ; At the end of 2012 and the beginning of 2013, the Serbian Government issued the new national regulations in order to provide an acceptable legislation framework to achieve 2020 targets of 27% increase of total renewable energy sources share in the gross final energy consumption, relative to 2009. The target of a 37% increase relates to participation of renewable energy sources in electricity production. It requires construction of new significant capacities of renewable energy power plants as clearly defined in the National Action Plan for Renewable Energy Sources.This paper comprises critical analyses of targeted new installed capacity of renewable energy power plants for electricity production from different point of views, such as: new national energy policy, new national regulations, renewable energy sources potential in Serbia, efficiency of power plants and the investment financial models.According to the new national energy policy identified in the National Action Plan for Renewable Energy Sources, it is concluded that the new regulations related to the construction of new renewable energy power plants is completed, particularly concerning the investment security, provision of green electricity market, status of green electricity producer, and significant reduction of time for administrative procedures required to obtain a building permit. Particularly, the real wind potential in Serbia, based on the measured data over the past ten years of measurement campaigns at more than thirty locations, has been used to correct the targeted installed capacity of wind power plants.
Članak razmatra uspon, oblike i posledice protesta u nedemokratskim režimima, oslanjajući se na noviju literaturu iz uporedne analize političkih režima i društvenih pokreta. Oblik režima značajno oblikuje izglede za izbijanje protesta, kao i njegove oblike i posledice. Protesti često proizvode bitne promene u personalnom sastavu i politici vlasti, koje značajno utiču na strukturu i delovanje nedemokratskih režima, i ponekad vode promeni režima. Primeri su navedeni iz kasnog komunističkog autoritarizma u Poljskoj i Jugoslaviji, u kojima su dugotrajni protesti doprineli padu režima i države, i postkomunistički autoritarni režimi u Srbiji i Ukrajini koji su više puta uzdrmani a zatim i dokrajčeni "pritiskom odozdo". ; The paper explores the politics of protest in non-democratic regimes using insights from comparative regime analysis and social movement theory. A regime type strongly shapes factors that trigger popular mobilization, the repertories of collective action and their implications. Protest politics may produce a considerable political change, such as policy and personality change in the political establishment, as well as important shifts in the structure and operation of non-democratic regimes, even regime change. The paper provides evidence from the late communist authoritarian Poland and Yugoslavia, in which sustained protests contributed to the collapse of regime and state, and the post-communist competitive authoritarian Serbia and Ukraine, which experience repeated protest waves and were brought down by protest politics.
Tax analysis and forecasting of revenues are of paramount importance to ensure fiscal policy's viability and sustainability. However, the measures taken to contain the spread of the recent pandemic pose an unprecedented challenge to established models and approaches. This paper proposes a model to forecast tax revenues in Bulgaria for the fiscal years 2020–2022 built in accordance with the International Monetary Fund's recommendations on a dataset covering the period between 1995 and 2019. The study further discusses the actual trustworthiness of official Bulgarian forecasts, contrasting those figures with the model previously estimated. This study's quantitative results both confirm the pandemic's assumed negative impact on tax revenues and prove that econometrics can be tweaked to produce consistent revenue forecasts even in the relatively-unexplored case of Bulgaria offering new insights to policymakers and advocates. ; Porezna analiza i predviđanje prihoda je od izuzetne (najveće) važnosti kako bi se osigurala održivost fiskalne politike. Međutim, mjere poduzete za suzbijanje širenja nedavne pandemije predstavljaju neviđeni izazov za ustaljene modele i pristupe. Ovaj rad predlaže model za predviđanje poreznih prihoda u Bugarskoj za fiskalne godine 2020-2022. izrađen u skladu s preporukama Međunarodnog monetarnog fonda o skupu podataka koji pokriva razdoblje između 1995. i 2019. Studija dalje razmazra stvarnu pouzdanost službenih bugarskih prognoza, suprotstavljajući te brojke odgovarajućim procijenjenim modelima. Kvantitativni rezultati ove studije potvrđuju pretpostavljeni negativni uticaj pandemije na porezne prihode i dokazuju da se statistika može prilagoditi kako bi se proizvele dosljedne prognoze prihoda čak i u relativno neistraženom slučaju Bugarske koja nudi nove uvide kreatorima politike i zagovornicima.
One of the major challenges at the global level is the security of energy supply in conditions of reducing the stock of non-renewable energy sources, given the political instability in the countries which produce energy and uncertain natural disasters. What is relevant is a challenge that relates to the protection of the environment, reducing pollution and managing climate change. There is need for energy transition, which is only possible in the long term. Orientation towards renewable energy sources, reducing dependence on a single energy source, increasing the number of suppliers is a way to meet these challenges and ensure a higher level of not only energy, but also the economic, environmental, technological, political security. Energy security is a multidimensional concept that includes not only the elements of the concept of sustainable development, but also security of supply, the technical characteristics of the energy system, the political and security aspects. It is necessary to distinguish the energy security from energy dependence, because energy security problem is not related only to the imported energy dependence. Thus, energy security is an integral concept that combines different aspects in order to ensure long-term sustainability of energy supply. Any form of threat to the balance of the energy system can jeopardize GDP, political stability, and prosperity of the citizens. In order to monitor progress towards a sustainable way of using energy sources and achieving security of supply, energy indicators which can monitor and measure the change are needed. There are a number of indicators that show the level of energy security. They can be simple, but very complicated or complex. Complex indicators take into account the entire energy system from production to final consumption. In order to ensure objectivity in evaluating the level of energy security, the issue of this dissertation is the calculation of the composite index. On the basis of calculated general indicators of the level of energy security, in the form of a composite index of energy security, it is perceived position of Serbia in relation to the countries of the Western Balkans and the European Union and placed the basis for future research and prerequisites for the further development of the concept of energy security.
The issue of the competitive position is not only a question of growth and development, but above all, survival. On the long run, it determines the position of any country any economic entity and essentially chooses its further fate. Measured by various parameters, but special attention is drawn to the measurement of competitiveness based on the quality of the education system, the quality of staff which a country has and the state's role in creating economic policy based on competitiveness as measured by these parameters. Recognizing the growing importance of competitiveness, an analysis of competitiveness at the global level on the basis of various pillars is being introduced, and this measurement is called Global Competitivness Index. This is often the primary tool whereby states create their economic policy and identify areas that are ripe for change and improvement. What kind of economic policy a country will implemet depends on the degree of a country's competitiveness in the global market, with particular emphasis on those pillars that brought it to such a position. With strengthening of innovation, advances in information technology and the increasingly fast development at all levels of business, the education system represents an important segment which ensures competitive position of certain countries. Bosnia and Herzegovina, as a country ranked low on the competitive scale, owes its bad position inter alia to bad education system which produces low-quality staff who can not find a proper place in a very selective labour market. ; Pitanje konkurentske pozicije je ne samo pitanje rasta i razvoja, nego prije svega opstanka. To sa sobom, dugoročno posmatrano, pozicionira bilo državu bilo privredni subjekt i bitno opredjeljuje njegovu daljnu sudbinu. Mjeri se preko različitih parametara, ali posebnu pažnju privlači mjerenje konkurentnosti na osnovu kvaliteta sistema obrazovanja, kvaliteta kadrova kojim jedna država raspolaže kao i ulogom države u kreiranju ekonomske politike na osnovu konkurentnosti mjerene prema ovim parametrima. Shvatajući sve veći značaj konkurentnosti u praksu se uvodi analizu konkurentnosti na globalnom nivou preko različitih stubova, i to mjerenje naziva se Globalni indeks konurentnosti. To je često osnovni alat prema kojem države kreiraju svoju ekonomsku politiku i identifikuju područja koja su zrela za promjene i usavršavanje. Kakvu ekonomsku politiku će određena država voditi zavisi od stepena konkurentnosti zemlje na svjetskom tržištu, sa posebnim osvrtom na one stubove koji su je doveli do te pozicije. Sa jačanjem inovativnosti, napretkom u sferi informacionih tehnologija i sve bržim razvojem na svim nivoima poslovanja sistem obrazovanja, predstavlja važan segment na osnovu kojeg se ostvaruje konkurentska pozicija određene države. Bosna i Hercegovina kao zemlja koja je nisko rangirana na konkurentskoj ljestvici, svoju lošu poziciju između ostalog duguje i lošem sistemu obrazovanja, koji proizvodi nekvalitetan kadar koji ne može da nađe adekvatno mjesto na vrlo probirljivom tržištu radne snage.
Cilj ove doktorske disertacije jeste da pruži argumente u prilog epistemičkog opravdanja demokratije. Tvrdićemo da zbog toga što čisto proceduralno opravdanje definiše autoritet i legitimnost demokratije samo u odnosu na pravičnost same procedure, ono ne može biti adekvatno objašnjenje za sve ono do čega nam je u demokratiji istinski stalo. Ljudima je u demokratiji veoma važan i sam ishod demokratskog procesa. Legitimost demokratske procedure, dakle, zavisi i od kvaliteta odluka koje ta procedura proizvodi. Uspon epistemičkih teorija o demokratiji je u skladu sa porastom popularnosti ideje o "mudrosti gomile" koju pronalazimo u različitim oblastima istraživanja. Zbog toga ćemo se osvrnuti na razvoj i rezultate organizacione teorije i predstaviti psihološke nalaze o kapacitetima ljudskog rasuđivanja. Instrumentalne ili epistemičke teorije tvrde da je demokratija legitimna ako i samo ako ima tendenciju da nas dovede do "dobrih" ili "istinitih" političkih odluka. Tvrdićemo da ono što omogućava da demokratsko odlučivanje, pod određenim uslovima, ima veću epistemičku vrednost od alternativnih formi odlučivanja jeste postojanje kognitivne raznovrsnosti unutar grupe koja donosi političke odluke. Pružićemo teorijske i empirijske argumente u prilog epistemičke vrednosti kolektivnog, demokratkog donošenja odluka. Ukazaćemo na značaj političkih institucija koje mogu da omoguće prisustvo kognitivne raznovrsnosti i povećaju nivo pojedinačne kompetencije opšte javnosti. Takođe ćemo tvrditi da je neophodno kombinovati deliberativnu i agregativnu metodu, i to upravo tim redosledom, s obzirom da i jedna i druga imaju važne epistemičke karakteristike. ; The aim of this doctoral dissertation is to provide arguments in support of the epistemic justification of democracy. We will argue that because a purely procedural justification defines the authority and legitimacy of democracy only in relation to the fairness of the procedure itself, it can not be an adequate explanation for all the things we really care about in democracy. The outcome of the democratic process itself is very important to people in democracy. The legitimacy of a democratic procedure, therefore, depends on the quality of the decisions that this procedure produces. The rise of epistemic theories about democracy is in line with the increasing popularity of the idea of the "wisdom of the crowds" that we find in various fields of research. Therefore, we will look at the development and results of organizational theory and present psychological findings about human reasoning capacities. Instrumental or epistemic theories claim that democracy is legitimate if and only if it has a tendency to lead us to "good" or "true" political decisions. We will argue that what allows democratic decision-making, under certain conditions, to have a higher epistemic value than alternative forms of decision-making is the existence of the cognitive diversity of a group that makes political decisions. We will provide theoretical and empirical arguments in favor of the epistemic value of collective, democratic decision-making. We will point out the importance of political institutions that can enable the presence of cognitive diversity and increase the level of individual competence of the general public. We will also argue that it is necessary to combine a deliberative and aggregative method, precisely in this order, given that both of them have important epistemic characteristics.
The paper explores the history of the Serbian Progressive Party in the Kingdom of Serbia from 1887 to 1896. After the fall of the government of Milutin Garašanin in June 1887, the Serbian Progressive Party ended among the opposition parties. After the fall of the Progressive Party from power, the first coalition liberal-radical government was formed, headed by Jovan Ristić. The Progressive Party members and supporters were persecuted by the ruling People's Radical Party. The Progressive Party lost the voters and deputies in the National Assembly, which suggested that it would not be able to recover for an extended period. However, less than two years later, in May 1889, the Progressive Party managed to organize a General Assembly, attended by over 2,000 members, who adopted the party program and statute which did not differ substantially from the one from 1881. It was quite obvious that the party leadership wanted to show that the Progressive Party did not disappear from the political scene, but that it temporarily withdrew to reconsolidate and focus on gathering voters. Yet, due to the unrest that erupted in Belgrade during the party assembly, the Party leadership announced in June 1889 that the Progressive Party would temporarily suspend its activities. As the withdrawal from the political scene did not produce any results, the Party leaders decided to resume the Party's activities, hoping that the situation would eventually change in their favor. In the September 1890 elections, the Progressive Party won one parliamentary mandate, which went to the Party's leader, Milutin Garašanin. In the National Assembly, his political struggle against the ruling Radical Party government was hardly observable, but his articles published in the Progressive Party newpaper 'Videlo' (Daylight) had a much greater impact on the readers. During the minority liberal government of Jovan Avakumović, in 1892-1893, there were attempts to reach an agreement on a pre-election coalition between the Liberals and the Progressives against the Radicals, but these attempts failed. After the coup of 1st April 1893, when the Radicals regained power, it was quite clear to the Progressive Party leaders that they could not fight the Radicals on their own. The idea of forming a new political grouping of liberals and progressives was soon abandoned. After the 1888 Constitution had been repealed and the 1869 Constitution had been reinstated, King Alexander tried (with the assistance of rare non-partisan people) to avoid the intransigence of the Progressive Party leaders and the supremacy of the Radicals. After the period of several neutral governments headed by Đorđe Simić (January - April 1894), Svetomir Nikolajević (April - October 1894), and Nikola Hristić (October 1894 - July 1895), the Progressive Party government headed by Stojan Novaković (July 1895 - December 1896) was formed. This government initiated a change in the Constitution but the idea was not upheld by King Alexander, as the Liberals and the Radicals did not agree to instituting the constitutional reform under the administration of the weakest party in the country. In such circumstances, Novaković resigned on 29 December 1896. The next day, the Progressive Party was dissolved by the decision of the Party leadership.
Cilj ove doktorske disertacije jeste da pruži argumente u prilog epistemičkog opravdanja demokratije. Tvrdićemo da zbog toga što čisto proceduralno opravdanje definiše autoritet i legitimnost demokratije samo u odnosu na pravičnost same procedure, ono ne može biti adekvatno objašnjenje za sve ono do čega nam je u demokratiji istinski stalo. Ljudima je u demokratiji veoma važan i sam ishod demokratskog procesa. Legitimost demokratske procedure, dakle, zavisi i od kvaliteta odluka koje ta procedura proizvodi. Uspon epistemičkih teorija o demokratiji je u skladu sa porastom popularnosti ideje o "mudrosti gomile" koju pronalazimo u različitim oblastima istraživanja. Zbog toga ćemo se osvrnuti na razvoj i rezultate organizacione teorije i predstaviti psihološke nalaze o kapacitetima ljudskog rasuđivanja. Instrumentalne ili epistemičke teorije tvrde da je demokratija legitimna ako i samo ako ima tendenciju da nas dovede do "dobrih" ili "istinitih" političkih odluka. Tvrdićemo da ono što omogućava da demokratsko odlučivanje, pod određenim uslovima, ima veću epistemičku vrednost od alternativnih formi odlučivanja jeste postojanje kognitivne raznovrsnosti unutar grupe koja donosi političke odluke. Pružićemo teorijske i empirijske argumente u prilog epistemičke vrednosti kolektivnog, demokratkog donošenja odluka. Ukazaćemo na značaj političkih institucija koje mogu da omoguće prisustvo kognitivne raznovrsnosti i povećaju nivo pojedinačne kompetencije opšte javnosti. Takođe ćemo tvrditi da je neophodno kombinovati deliberativnu i agregativnu metodu, i to upravo tim redosledom, s obzirom da i jedna i druga imaju važne epistemičke karakteristike. ; The aim of this doctoral dissertation is to provide arguments in support of the epistemic justification of democracy. We will argue that because a purely procedural justification defines the authority and legitimacy of democracy only in relation to the fairness of the procedure itself, it can not be an adequate explanation for all the things we really care about in democracy. The outcome of the democratic process itself is very important to people in democracy. The legitimacy of a democratic procedure, therefore, depends on the quality of the decisions that this procedure produces. The rise of epistemic theories about democracy is in line with the increasing popularity of the idea of the "wisdom of the crowds" that we find in various fields of research. Therefore, we will look at the development and results of organizational theory and present psychological findings about human reasoning capacities. Instrumental or epistemic theories claim that democracy is legitimate if and only if it has a tendency to lead us to "good" or "true" political decisions. We will argue that what allows democratic decision-making, under certain conditions, to have a higher epistemic value than alternative forms of decision-making is the existence of the cognitive diversity of a group that makes political decisions. We will provide theoretical and empirical arguments in favor of the epistemic value of collective, democratic decision-making. We will point out the importance of political institutions that can enable the presence of cognitive diversity and increase the level of individual competence of the general public. We will also argue that it is necessary to combine a deliberative and aggregative method, precisely in this order, given that both of them have important epistemic characteristics.
Od 1990. godine, čitav region Istočne i Jugoistočne Evrope počeo je sa transformacijom svojih ekonomija iz centralno planskog sistema u tržišni, što se označava pojmom tranzicija. Postavka istraživačke studije je sagledavanje stanja sektora poljoprivrede Republike Srbije i Bosne i Hercegovine, koji su prošli kroz proces ekonomske tranzicije. Ideja tranzicije privrede, odnosno poljoprivrede je rast proizvodnje i BDP, povećanje efikasnosti i ostvarivanje boljih proizvodno-ekonomskih performansi. Cilj istraživanja je utvrditi da li je i u kojoj meri tranzicija poljoprivrede dovela do njenog razvoja, koji su propusti napravljeni i kakve mere agrarne politike kreirati u funkciji daljeg razvoja poljoprivrede i ruralnih područja. U izvođenju vrednosnih sudova i kritičkih zapažanja celokupnog procesa tranzicije agrosektora korišćene su određene naučne metode poput naučnog studiranja, indikatori, grafički metod, statistički metod, deskriptivna analiza i sinteza, komparatvini metod i drugi naučni metodi. Strategija poljoprivredne tranzicije u bivšim socijalističkim zemljama imala je za cilj poboljšanje efikasnosti i produktivnosti poljoprivrede zamenom institucionalnih i organizacionih karakteristika komandne ekonomije sa atributima pozajmljenim iz prakse tržišne ekonomije. Transformacija od kolektivne do efikasnije individualizovane poljoprivrede (privatizacija), koja će ostvarivati veći nivo prihoda je krajnji cilj. Tranziciju poljoprivrede prati nepovoljna vlasnička struktura i niska produktivnost, neefikasnost agrarne politike, spor razvoj institucija podrške, neadekvatan zakonodavni okvir i neuspešna privatizacija. Proces privatizacije obeležen je sa mnogo kontroverzi i zloupotreba, pa je i to imalo negativan odraz na ukupne efekte. Pored nabrojanog, efekti tranzicije poljoprivrede se ogledaju i u smanjenom obimu investicija, padu stočarske proizvodnje, spoljnotrgovinska razmena uglavnom sirovina i proizvoda niskog stepena finalizacije, depopulaciji sela, nepovoljnoj agrarnoj strukturi, malim pomacima na planu podiznja konkurentnosti i produktivnosti i nekonzistentnoj agrarnoj politici. Ni poljoprivredno zadrugarstvo nije revitalizovano, a kamoli ostvarilo neki značajan uspeh, tim pre, jer nije vraćeno poljuljano poverenje u zadružni oblik organizovanja, niti su zadružni principi usvojeni. Prelazak na tržišnu ekonomiju ostavio je Srbiju i Bosnu i Hercegovinu daleko iza najuspešnijih zemalja Centralne i Istočne Evrope. BiH zaostaje po mnogim pitanjima vezanim za strukturne reforme, koje su pratile ekonomsku tranziciju zemalja u regionu. U Republici Srbiji je stanje nešto bolje, ali svakako ispod očekivanja i s velikim kašnjenjima, pa su samim tim pozitivni efekti značajno slabiji. Stanje u BiH u posttranzicionom periodu je takvo da nedostaje institucionalna podrška i podsticajne mere agrarne politike na svim nivoima, počev od države preko kantona i opština, a tržišne reforme poljoprivrednog sektora nailaze na probleme i zastoje. Tranzicija poljoprivrede u BiH nije donela očekivane efekte, s obzirom da nije modernizovana, niti je zasnovana na efikasnosti, konkurentnosti, intenzivnosti i tržišnosti. Nešto bolja situacija je u Republici Srbiji, ali svakako nije razvijen sektor poljoprivrede, niti su u potpunosti ostvareni zacrtani ciljevi tranzicije. ; Since 1990, the entire region of Eastern and Southeastern Europe has begun to transform its economies from the central planning system to the marketplace, which is referred to as the concept of transition. The research study setting is to look at the state of the agriculture sector of the Republic of Serbia and Bosnia and Herzegovina, which went through the process of economic transition. The idea of a transition of the economy, that is agriculture, is the growth of production and GDP, increasing efficiency and achieving better productioneconomic performance. The aim of the research is to determine whether and to what extent the transition of agriculture has led to its development, what omissions have been made and what measures of agrarian policy are to be created in the function of further development of agriculture and rural areas. Certain scientific methods such as scientific study, indicators, graphic method, statistical method, descriptive analysis and synthesis, comparative methods and other scientific methods have been used in performing value judgments and critical observations of the whole process of transition of agrosectors. The agricultural transition strategy in the former socialist countries aimed to improve the efficiency and productivity of agriculture by replacing the institutional and organizational characteristics of the command economy with attributes borrowed from the practice of a market economy. Transformation from collective to more efficient individualized agriculture (privatization), which will achieve higher level of income is the ultimate goal. The transition to agriculture is accompanied by an unfavorable ownership structure and low productivity, inefficiency of agrarian policy, slow development of support institutions, inadequate legislative framework and unsuccessful privatization. The privatization process was marked with a lot of controversy and abuse, which also had a negative impact on the overall effects. In addition to the above, the effects of agriculture transition are reflected in the reduced volume of investments, the decline in livestock production, the foreign trade of mostly raw materials and products of low level of finalization, depopulation of the village, unfavorable agrarian structure, small shifts in raising competitiveness and productivity and inconsistent agricultural policy. Even agricultural cooperatives were not revitalized, let alone achieved some significant success, the sooner because no shattered confidence in the cooperative form of organization was returned, nor cooperative principles were adopted. The transition to the market economy left Serbia and Bosnia and Herzegovina far behind the most successful countries in Central and Eastern Europe. Bosnia and Herzegovina lags behind many issues related to structural reforms, which have followed the economic transition of countries in the region. In the Republic of Serbia, the situation is somewhat better, but certainly below expectations and with big delays, so the positive effects are significantly weaker. The situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina in the post-transition period is such that institutional support and incentive measures of agrarian policy at all levels, starting from the state through cantons and municipalities, are lacking, and market reforms of the agricultural sector are facing problems and delays. The transit of agriculture in Bosnia and Herzegovina did not produce the expected effects, as it was not modernized nor based on efficiency, competitiveness, intensity and marketability. There is a somewhat better situation in the Republic of Serbia, but the agriculture sector is certainly not developed, and the goals of transition have not been fully met.
