Suchergebnisse

The dissertation explores the causes of the Euro crisis of 2009, using the institutional explanation in social sciences and the game theory. It includes discussions on the role of fiscal and monetary policies for stabilization of the economy, a brief history of monetary unions, as well as a summary of the European monetary integration process. Key findings of the dissertation are considering strategic situations in which the Member States have been involved before and after the creation of the European Economic and Monetary Union and the euro, which can be analysed using the game theory. The institutional design of the European Communities, after the breakup of the Breton Woods system, has put the Members States in the strategic situation of prisoner's dilemma, which in turn made coordination of monetary policies and exchange rates unfeasible. The creation of the Economic and Monetary Union (EMU) made possible for the Member States to overcome the dilemma by transferring the monetary policy from national to the European level of governance. Unfortunately, the institutional design of the EMU created a specific set of the interdependence of the Member States and the institutional incentives which created a new collective action problem. The new problem can be observed as a strategic situation of the chicken game in which the Member States again does not have the incentive to act in the accordance with the rules in the same, cooperative manner. Finally, the dissertation analyses the institutional consequences of the crisis and the incentives emerged after the post-crisis reforms. The conclusion is that the reforms should prevent similar euro crisis. On the other hand, questions could be raised regarding the power shift among the main bodies of the European Union. ; Rad se bavi istraživanjem uzroka krize evra nastale 2009. godine, oslanjajući se na institucionalno objašnjenje u društvenim naukama i teoriju igara. Disertacija sadrži rasprave o ulozi fiskalne i monetarne politike za stabilizaciju privrede, kratku istoriju monetarnih unija pre Evropske ekonomske i monetarne unije (EMU), kao i sažetu istoriju evropske monetarne integracije. Ključni nalazi disertacije su tiču se strateških situacija koje su dovele do nastanka jedinstvene evropske valute i kasnije do njene krize, koje je moguće analizirati uz pomoć teorije igara. Institucionalni aranžman Evropskih zajednica nakon raspada Bretonvudskog sistema stavio je države članice u stratešku situaciju zatvorenikove dileme, što je činilo koordinaciju monetarnih politike i deviznog kursa neodrživim. Kako bi se prevazišao taj problem, formirana je EMU kojom je uveden evro, a monetarna politika prenesena na sa nacionalnog evropski nivo vlasti. Međutim dizajn EMU stvorio specifičan spoj međuzavisnosti i podsticaja iz koga je nastao nov problem kolektivnog delanja za države članice monetarne unije. Taj problem se ogleda u strateškoj situaciji igre kukavice u kojoj učesnici nemaju podsticaj da se ponašaju na istovetan, kooperativan način. Na kraju disertacije analizirani su podsticaji nastali sprovedenih institucionalnih reformi. Zaključak je će reforme najverovatnije sprečiti da nastanak slične krize u budućnosti, ali i da se mogu otvoriti nova pitanja u vezi sa promenom ravnoteže moći unutar organa EU.

У овом раду разматрали смо допринос дела функционера најзначајнијег професионалног удружења музичара у међуратној Југославији – Савеза музичара у Краљевини СХС Југославији, спровођењу словенске културне интеграције. Пратећи деловање групе окупљене око званичног гласила организације Jugoslavenski muzičar / Muzičar, у међународним оквирима, издвојили смо кључне подухвате који су покренути у периоду између 1923. и 1929. с циљем зближавања и интеркултурне размене са словенским музичарима и стручњацима. Резултати анализе видова и интензитета колаборације загребачких музичара с музичарима из словенских земаља посматрани су у компарацији с резултатима ранијих истраживања. Циљ тога био је да се размотри да ли су и у којој мери настојања ове групације кореспондирала са сродним тежњама других југословенских и словенских музичара, као и с доминантним ставовима и праксом политичке и интелектуалне елите с ових простора. ; Although many Slavic peoples were given long-awaited political independence after the Great War, it did not suppress their strivings to attain stronger cultural bonds and cultural integration that thrived throughout the 19th century. In the new geopolitical circuimstances, All-Slavism was mostly interpreted as a vehicle to actualize the potentials of Slavs to create cultural forms of universal value through a synthesis of opposing values of Western and Eastern civilizations. Despite the fact that its definitions varied significantly depending on the differences of ideological basis of individuals and groups that promoted it, the common ground represented a belief that Slavs shared the same worldviews, values and spiritual properties and that this similarity needed to be used as an emancipatory tool – for mutual cultual exchange, support, development, and progress. In interwar Yugoslavia of 1920s, All-Slavism was particularly promoted among musicians and music specialists. Among the numerous keen supporters were the representatives of the Association of Musicians of the Kingdom of SCS/Yugoslavia gathered around the periodical Jugoslavenski muzičar/Muzičar (Yugoslav musician). Led by Fran/Franjo Šidak and Jaroslav Šidak, this group contributed to the expansion of All-Slavic tendencies in the Yugoslav public and music spheres. From 1923 to 1929, these musicians settled in Zagreb initiated numerous activities aimed at developing collaboration with Slavic musicians around Europe. Unlike many like-minded groups in different Slavic countries of the time, Zagreb musicians created friendly relations with their Soviet colleagues, specifically with the leaders of the Всесоюзным профессиональным союзом работников искусств, ВСЕРАБИС (All-Soviet Professional Association of Art Workers). During the five years of extensive exchange with other Slavic musicians and specialist, they established fruitful correspondence and coperation with Bulgarian musicians, most of all with the high representatives of Bulgarian musical organizations. As a result of that, series of articles dealing with Bulgarian music history and musical life were published in Jugoslavenski muzičar/Muzičar together with detailed reports, while a number of essays of Yugoslav authors were reprinted in Bulgarian music journals. Results of the analysis of type and extent of collaboration between Zagreb and other Slavic musicians were compared with the results of previous researches. The aim of this paper was to consider whether the efforts of this group corresponded with the related tendencies of Yugoslav and Slavic musicians, as well as with the dominant views and practices of the Yugoslav political and intellectual elite.

Пољопривреда са производњом хране је једна од најважнијих стратешких грана привреде која има за циљ производњу и снабдевање становништва квалитетном и безбедном храном. Oрганскa пољопривредa и производњa хране датира са почетка 20. века када се због прекомерне, неконтролисане и нестручне употребе хемијских средстава у производњи хране јавила потреба за алтернативним поступцима. Према дефиницији, коју даје Codex alimentarius oрганска пољопривреда је холистички систем управљања производњом хране, којим се избегава употреба вештачких ђубрива, пестицида и генетски модификованих организама, смањује загађење ваздуха, земљишта и воде, и оптимизује здравље и продуктивност биљака, животиња и људи. Заснива се на четири принципа: принцип здравља, екологије, правичности и бриге. Органска производња са једне стране обезбеђује јавна добра, која доприносе заштити животне средине и добробити животиња, а са друге доприноси развоју сеоских подручја (Регулатива ЕC 834/2007). Површине под органском производњом у Републици Српској у 2019.години су износиле око 560 ha (обрадива површина, ливаде, пашњаци), односно само 0,06 % од укупне обрадиве површине. Број сертификованих произвођача хране у Републици Српскоj варира из године у годину, али се креће до 50. Циљ рада је да се укаже на значај органске производње и могућност пласирања хране на тржишту Европске уније и других развијених земаља. Биће описано која висококвалитетна храна се органски производи у Републици Српској, сертификација производње, законска и подзаконска регулатива која се примењује, као и подстицајне мере које су значајне да би се органска производња унапредила у Републици Српској. ; Agriculture accompanied by food production is one of the most important strategic branches of the economy, it has the production and supply of quality and a safe food. The idea of organic agriculture and food production dates back to the 20th century, when due to excessive, uncontrolled and unprofessional use of chemicals in food production, appeared a need of an alternative procedures. Organic farming is an integrated system of high quality food production based on the highest environmental practices that are socially accepted and economically profitable. According to the definition given by the Codex alimentarius, organic agriculture is a holistic food production management system that avoids the use of fertilizers, pesticides and genetically modified organisms, reduces air, soil and water pollution, and optimizes the health and productivity of independent plant, animal and human communities. It is based on four principles: the principle of health, ecology, fairness and care. Organic production, on the one hand provides public goods, which contributes to the protection of the environment and animal welfare, and on the other hand contributes to the development of rural areas (EC Regulation 834/2007). Areas under organic production in the Republic of Srpska in 2019 amounted to about 560 ha (arable land, meadows, pastures), which is only 0.06% of the total arable land. The number of certified food producers in the Republic of Srpska varies from year to year, but ranges up to 50. The aim of this paper is to point out the importance of organic production and the possibility of placing food at the market of the European Union and other developed countries. It will be described which high-quality food is organically produced in the Republic of Srpska, production certification, applicable laws and regulations, as well as incentive measures that are important to improve organic production in the Republic of Srpska.

Imajući na umu da je Strategijom razvoja obrazovanja u Srbiji primećeno da u obrazovanju u Srbiji postoji "problem sa pravednošću" i da je kao jedan od ciljeva razvoja obrazovanja navedeno stvaranje "socijalno pravičnog društva", u ovom radu se preispituje u kojoj meri su donošenje Zakona o dualnom obrazovanju i javno insistiranje na ekspanziji ovog vida obrazovanja koraci usmereni ka smanjenju nejednakosti. Oslanjajući se na ideje različitih francuskih sociologa obrazovanja (Burdije, Budon, Bodlo i Estable), kroz rad se ispituje u kojoj meri dualno obrazovanje otvara prostor za izjednačavanje obrazovnih šansi i uspostavljanje pravičnijeg društva. Iz teorijskih uvida spomenutih autora koji se tiču povezanosti klasnih struktura sa obrazovnim šansama, može se zaključiti da svako "grananje" unutar obrazovnog sistema doprinosi većim nejednakostima, o čemu eksplicitno govori Rejmon Budon. Odlike dualnog obrazovanja podsećaju na "primarno zanatsko" obrazovanje o kojem govore Bodlo i Estable koji pokazuju da je ovakvo obrazovanje predviđeno za učenike iz neprivilegovanih društvenih slojeva kojima se kroz ovaj vid obrazovanja ograničava mogućnost vertikalne društvene pokretljivosti. Analizirajući različite interesne optike aktera, Burdije smatra da opšte obrazovanje, nasuprot obuci u firmi, radnicima daje određeni vid slobode, jer ih čini manje vezanim za jedno preduzeće. Školski sistem povezan sa industrijom, prema mišljenju ovog autora, oblikovan je interesima poslodavaca i suprotan je interesima radnika, jer čini društvo manje pravičnim umanjujući šanse za vertikalnu i horizontalnu društvenu pokretljivost. Na osnovu navedenog se može zaključiti da dualno obrazovanje ne doprinosi smanjenju društvenih nejednakosti, te da bi u cilju stvaranja pravičnijeg društva od ovakvih obrazovnih politika trebalo odustati. ; Bearing in mind that the Strategy for Education Development in Serbia perceives the existence of a "justice issue" in education in Serbia, and that one of the stated goals of education development is creating a "socially just society", this paper explores to which extent adopting the Law on Dual Education and public insistence on expansion of this mode of education are the steps towards reducing injustice. Relying on the ideas of different French sociologists of education (Bourdieu, Boudon, Baudelot and Establet), the paper examines to which extent dual education opens up the space for balancing educational opportunities and establishing a more just society. From theoretical insights of the aforementioned authors regarding the relation between class structures and educational opportunities, it can be concluded that any "branching" within an educational system contributes to greater inequalities, as explicitly asserted by Raymond Boudon. The characteristics of dual education correlate to the "primary professional" education mentioned by Baudelot and Establet, illustrating that such education is intended for students from underprivileged social strata, who have limited opportunities for vertical social mobility due to this kind of education. By analysing various interest optics of the actors, Bourdieu finds that general education, as opposed to company training, provides workers with a certain form of freedom because it makes them less attached to a single company. The school system associated with industry, in the opinion of this author, is shaped by the interests of employers and contrary to the interests of workers, as it makes society less fair by reducing the chances of vertical and horizontal social mobility. Based on the above, it can be concluded that dual education does not contribute to reducing social inequalities, and that in order to create a fairer society, such educational policies should be abandoned. ; Zbornik rezimea / 24. Međunarodna naučna konferencija "Pedagoška istraživanja i školska praksa ; Book of abstracts / 24th International Scientific Conference "Educational Research and School Practice"

У овом раду сам настојала да укажем на могућност истраживања културне политике у Србији на примеру рада Опере Нaродног позоришта у Београду, као и репертоарске политике Управе опере у друштвено-политичком и културолошком оквиру у периоду од 1971. до 2011. године. Разлог да се посветим истраживању рада Опере у поменутом временском раздобљу јесте питање: шта се догађало са Опером после златног периода? Сазнање да не постоји ниједна студија у којој је прикупљена и систематизована грађа о раду Опере Народног позоришта у протеклих четрдесет година, подстакло ме је да истражим могуће разлоге за "сумрак" институције која је, током златног периода била једна од најјачих адута југословенске културне политике. ; In this paper I tried to address the possibility of researching the cultural politics in Serbia in the case of Belgrade National Th eatre Opera as well as the repertoire politics of Opera's management in the social-political and the cultural context between 1971 and 2011. I wanted to address the following question: What was happening with the Opera after the Golden period? Th is paper discusses the changes that have infl uenced the development of the given cultural institution's work. Within the institution, there were problems as evidenced by the White Book, which was published 1970 in order to inform the general public about the idea of opera's all-round reform. Th e book stated that the main reasons for the reform were: 'insuffi cient professionalism', material and fi nancial situation and the Opera's repertory. At the end of the 1960s, the National Th eatre failed to "prepare" basic conditions for reform. In 1968 Th eater Community was founded, as well as specifi c self-association and through the activities of the organization National Th eatre secured substantial funding. Th ere were several reform initiatives to improve the situation in Opera, such as the idea of establishing a chamber theater - Krug 101 and the improvement of professional work in Opera. By the beginning of the 1980s, Yugoslavia was economically falling even deeper into crisis and that refl ected in the work of Opera. Th e beginning of 1990s was marked by strong political interference in all spheres of life, which was typical for a society in transition. Preliminary concept of cultural politics of this period was to propagate the desirable national values of the new Yugoslavia. Th is was confi rmed by the fact that the repertoire of the Opera exempted all the works of the composers of the former countries of Yugoslavia and set only a part of Serbian authors. It was a time when the theater faced insuffi cient funding from the state budget. Th is situation infl uenced the quality and quantity of performance. Former Socialist Party was replaced with Democratic Party, which in the next ten years (2000–2010) strived towards 'modern' Serbia. Th is was confi rmed by the work of the Opera, which aimed to return to the European stage (travel abroad, setting the forgotten and the new opera). From the early 1970s to 2011 in the work of the Opera, we tried to fi nd possible reasons that led to the "twilight" institutions. It is necessary now to focus on the cultural life by establishing a cultural policy that will determine the goals and strategies of cultural action. Th is direction may be possible after the transition, which means "regulated society" that will have a stable cultural policy, and thus defi ned the relationship between the state and national opera, and its repertoire. ; Први национални научни скуп са међународним учешћем

The article explores the Baltic musicological conferences as a non-hierarchical network and its role and meaning in the changing political and cultural contexts. Starting from 1967, when the first conference took place, the annual meetings of the Baltic musicologists soon became a transnational space for the professional exchange and crosscultural discussion. Based on the results and the impact of cooperation between musicologists of neighbouring countries, the Soviet formation of the national history writing and the development of the Baltic musicological comparativism is discussed, given the political and cultural factors of these changes. The theoretical foundations and cultural aspirations of the concept of national music historiography by Vytautas Landsbergis is highlighted as representative example of the national self-confidence in Lithuanian musicology during the Soviet period. ; Балтички културни простор – да ли је то реалност или фикција, спонтана транскултурална традиција или вештачка геополитичка конструкција? Ова питања, која доводе под сумњу балтичке музиколошке конференције, које се у континуитету одржавају већ педесетак година, уопште нису реторичка. Од 1967. године, када је одржана прва конференција, годишња окупљања балтичких музиколога нису била ограничена само на остваривање професионалних циљева. Политичке промене и културне пукотине увек изнова остављају своје отиске у историји транснационалне балтичке музиколошке сарадње. Приликом покретања прве конференције пре више од пет деценија, примењен је совјетски метод обредног посвећења: окупљање музиколога из три балтичке државе формално је било посвећено 50. годишњици Октобарске револуције, чиме је је успостављена традиција која је пркосила совјетској централизацији. Ускоро су конференције постале простор за професионално самоизражавање и транснационално нехијерархијско умрежавање младих музиколога који су стасавали током шездесетих година ХХ века, као и каснијих генерација. Ова традиција је допринела успостављању институционалног статуса балтичке музикологије, настале као алтернатива званичној доктрини совјетске музике и музикологије у другој половини ХХ века. Супротстављајући се наметнутом совјетском приступу развоју националне културе, балтичке музиколошке конференције прошириле су геополитичко и хронолошко истраживачко поље у вези са музиком својих земаља. Скромни покушаји да се развије компаративизам најбоље су промовисани заједничким напорима да се дефинише појам националне музичке културе и категорије типичне за овај концепт: национална школа и национални стил. Компаративна перспектива била је посебно карактеристична за презентације Арнолдса Клотинша (Arnolds Klotiņš), Марта Хумала (Mart Humal), Витаутаса Ландсбергиса (Vytautas Landsbergis) и Алгирдаса Амбразаса (Algirdas Ambrazas), који су сумирали своја фундаментална истраживања у области музике као културне праксе и музичких стилова. Међутим, чак и у радовима наведених музиколога, универзалнији аспект је био засењен традиционалном концепцијом националног израза у музици. Успостављање алтернативних канона националне класичне и модерне музике, као и модернизација музикологије, спадају у резултате ових конференција. Током година политичких промена деведесетих година прошлог века, културно оживљавање је инспирисало дискусије о општијој потрази за балтичким културним идентитетом и могућностима његовог институционалног успостављања. Међутим, истовремено су се отворила питања идентитета ове манифестације, доводећи у питање сам формат балтичког музиколошког простора као могуће совјетске геополитичке конструкције. ; Часопис је индексиран на http://doiserbia.nb.rs/, http://dais.sanu.ac.rs/handle/123456789/914 и у међународној бази ProQuest. / The journal is indexed in http://doiserbia.nb.rs/, http://dais.sanu.ac.rs/handle/123456789/914 and in the international database ProQuest. Издавање ове публикације подржали су Министарство културе и информисања Републике Србије, Министарство просвете, науке и технолошког развоја Републике Србије и СОКОЈ - Организација музичких аутора Србије / The publication of this volume was supported by the Ministry of Culture and Information of the Republic of Serbia, the Ministry of Education, Science and Technological Development of the Republic of Serbia and SOKOJ - Serbian Music Authors' Organization

Muzičke institucije u Beogradu i Srbiji u drugoj polovini 19. veka u velikoj su meri zavisile od inostranih kadrova, najčešće građana Austrougarske, usled nedostatka adekvatno obrazovanih domaćih muzičkih stručnjaka. Ovakva situacija doprinela je dolasku značajnog broja Čeha, Austrijanaca, Nemaca, kao i Mađara u srpske gradove gde su radili na muzičkom opismenjavanju kako imućnijih, tako i širih slojeva, a po tom i na utemeljenju i ekspanziji visoko umetničke i popularne muzičke prakse. Iz istih razloga se polovinom 60-ih godina u Beogradu našao i Slovenac Davorin Jenko koji će zahvaljujući svom angažmanu u Beogradskom pevačkom društvu i u Narodnom pozorištu steći značajan ugled u srpskoj sredini, kao i u među srpskom obrazovanom populacijom iz Austrougarske. Budući da se Jenkovo delanje u Beogradu poklapalo sa intenzivnim širenjem panslavističkog diskursa i diskursa kulturnog nacionalizma u okviru političkog, kulturnog, naučnog i umetničkog polja uspeh njegovih muzičkih ostvarenja i prestiž koji je vremenom sticao među publikom različitog društvenog profila nailazili su na podeljene reakcije među pripadnicima intelektualne elite. Činjenica da je kompozitor slovenačkog porekla stvarao muziku uglavnom proisteklu iz elemenata šire shvaćenog srpskog muzičkog foklora koju je publika prihvatala i prepoznavala kao srpsku muziku otvorila je prostor za polemike hroničara i komentatora beogradskog muzičkog života u srpskim, vojvođanskim i bosanskim listovima i časopisima. Pokušavajući da objasne fenomen srpske muzike "stranog" porekla autori su izvodili interpretacije koncepa srpstva otkrivajući u njemu izvesne epistemološke rupture. Rasprave oko statusa Jenkove muzike u vidu njenog poimanja kao srpske ili ne-baš-sasvim srpske, ukazivale su na različitost ideoloških pozicija koje su se pojavile u okviru srpske elite iz Kraljevine Srbije i Austrougarske. Cilj rada je da se ukaže na izdiferenciranost etničkog koncepta nacionalnog identiteta proisteklog kao rezultat nepoklapanja u viđenjima elite kada je reč o daljem razvoju srpske kulture. Važan segment predstavljaće predočavanje značaja te pojave u teorijskom i kulturno-istorijskom pogledu. ; In the second half of the 19th century music institutions in Belgrade and Serbia depended a lot on the work of foreign musicians, most of them citizens of Austria-Hungary, because of the continual lack of local educated professionals. Th ese circumstances contributed to the large-scale migration of Czech, Austrian, German and Hungarian musicians to Serbian towns where they helped with the expansion of the musical literacy of both the upper and middle-class parts of society, as well as the establishment of the high-art and popular music practices. Th e same type of "missionary work" motivated Slovenian musician Davorin Jenko to settle in Belgrade during the 1860s where he was active for several decades fi rst in the Belgrade's singing society and later in the National theater gaining public appraisal from the Serbian theatergoers, intellectuals and music experts both from Serbia and Austria-Hungary. Since Jenko's arrival to Belgrade coincided with the growing popularity of the Pan-Slavic ideas and the discourse of cultural nationalism in the fields of politics, culture, science and arts the success of his works among the theatre spectators and music consumers created divergent response in the parts of the Serbian elite. Th e fact that the composer of Slovenian origin created music on the basis of largely defi ned Serbian music folklore that was well accepted and perceived as Serbian among the consumers inspired the debates of music critics, chroniclers and experts in journals published in Serbia, Vojvodina and Bosnia and Herzegovina. Trying to explain the phenomenon of the Serbian music of "foreign" origin commentators performed diff erent interpretations of the concept of Serbian identity showing throughout the process its epistemological ruptures. Th e confl icting views on the status of Jenko's music as Serbian or not-completely-Serbian was a result of divergent ideological positions that appeared among the elites from Kingdom of Serbia and Austria-Hungary. Our aim is to point to the diversity of the defi nitions of the ethnic concept of nation and national identity among the Serbian elites at that time as a consequence of the diff erent understanding of the progress of Serbian culture. Th e special emphasis will be put on the theoretical and cultural-historical implications of that phenomenon.

Standardi kompetencija direktora ustanova obrazovanja i vaspitanja u Srbiji (2013), kao i zakonska regulativa koja se odnosi na direktore, propisuju kompleksne i raznovrsne uloge i zadatke. Novija istraživanja u oblasti obrazovnog liderstva pokazuju da su direktori veoma opterećeni, zbog čega im je posebno teško da uspostave ravnotežu između dve najvažnije uloge: pedagoškog lidera i menadžera škole. Cilj ovog rada je da utvrdimo da li je pomenuti problem, na koji direktori ukazuju, nov ili je postojao i u prošlosti. S tim u vezi, analizirale smo radove o direktorima škola koji su objavljeni u časopisu Nastava i vaspitanje u periodu od početka izlaženja časopisa (1951. godine) do osamdesetih godina 20. veka. U tekstovima smo tragale za opisima uloga direktora, za sadržajem zadataka putem kojih se ove uloge ostvaruju, kao i za iskazima autora koji potencijalno ukazuju na problem balansa između dve najvažnije uloge. Na osnovu analize sadržaja 14 tekstova utvrdile smo da su autori značajno više pažnje posvetili razmatranju pedagoško-instruktivne uloge direktora, nego razmatranju uloge direktora kao menadžera škole. Pedagoško-instruktivnu ulogu opisuju kroz sledeće zadatke: planiranje i programiranje nastavnog procesa, posete časovima, praćenje rada nastavnika i pružanje neophodne pomoći posebno mlađim nastavnicima, praćenje učeničkog znanja i napredovanja, planiranje i organizacija individualnog i kolektivnog stručnog usavršavanja nastavnika, stvaranje uslova za efikasnu saradnju sa školskim pedagogom i tako dalje. Na osnovu istraživanja i iskustava iz školske prakse autori su ukazivali na to da je pedagoška uloga direktora zapostavljena, zbog njihove opterećenosti poslovima koji pripadaju menadžerskoj ulozi. Pored toga, ukazivali su i na nedostatak istraživanja u oblasti pedagoškog liderstva, kao i na potrebu za organizovanjem seminara koji bi se programski zasnivali na stvarnim interesovanjima i potrebama direktora škola. Dakle, rezultati naše analize upućuju na relativno dug vremenski period postojanja sličnih problema u oblasti obrazovnog liderstva u Srbiji, što bi trebalo da predstavlja dodatni podsticaj za istraživače i kreatore obrazovnih politika u pronalaženju adekvatnih strategija podrške direktorima škola u balansiranju ključnih uloga. U radu se diskutuje o rešenjima – kao što su distributivno liderstvo, mentorstvo i facilitacija prilikom uvođenja novih direktora u posao – koja su se u drugim obrazovnim sistemima pokazala kao efektivna za unapređivanje kvaliteta rada škole. ; Standards of competencies for principals of educational institutions in Serbia (2013), as well as the legislation related to principals, stipulate complex and diverse roles and tasks. Recent research in the field of educational leadership shows that principals are overburdened, and therefore have difficulties in balancing out the two most important roles: of educational leader and school manager. The objective of this paper is to determine whether this problem, signalled by the principals, is new or has existed in the past as well. In this regard, we analysed the articles on principals published in the journal Teaching and education from the beginning of its publication (1951) till 1980s. In the articles, we searched for descriptions of the principals' roles, the content of their professional tasks, as well as for authors' statements that potentially point to the problem of balancing the two most important roles. Based on the content analysis of 14 articles, we found that the authors paid much more attention to educational and instructive role of the principal than to the principal's role of a school manager. They describe the educational and instructive role through the following tasks: planning and programming of the teaching process, visits to classes, monitoring the work of teachers and providing necessary assistance particularly to younger teachers, monitoring of students' knowledge and progress, planning and organization of individual and collective in-service teacher trainings, creating conditions for efficient cooperation with a school counsellor and so on. Based on the research and experience from the school practice, the authors indicated that the educational role of principals was neglected due to burden of tasks belonging to managerial role. In addition, they pointed to the lack of research in the field of educational leadership, as well as to the need for organizing seminars which would be topically based on real interests and needs of principals. Therefore, the results of our analysis point to a relatively long period of similar problems in the field of educational leadership in Serbia, which is supposed to provide additional motivation to researchers and educational policy makers for finding adequate strategies for supporting the principals in balancing their key roles. The paper discusses solutions - such as distributed leadership, mentoring, and facilitation in introducing new principals into job - that have proven effective in other education systems in improving quality of school's operation. ; Zbornik rezimea / 24. Međunarodna naučna konferencija "Pedagoška istraživanja i školska praksa ; Book of abstracts / 24th International Scientific Conference "Educational Research and School Practice"

Predmet ove disertacije je teorijska analiza regulatornog, komunikološkog, tehnološkog i socio-kulturnog okvira u kome nastaje i širi se "govor mržnje", kao i analiza sadržaja i analiza efekata govora mržnje u internet komunikaciji u Srbiji. Cilj disertacije bio je da preciznije definiše sadržaj govora mržnje i kontekst u kome on nastaje, da u odnosu na kulturološke specifičnosti Srbije preciznije utvrdi granicu između mere u kojoj je neophodno omogućiti nesmetanu slobodu izražavanja i ograničiti širenje govora mržnje. Osnovna hipoteza u ovom radu bila je da je koncept govora mržnje višeznačan i da njegovo razumevanje zavisi od geografskog, kulturnog i uopšte socijalnog konteksta u kome se on manifestuje. Govor mržnje na internetu negativno utiče na javnu komunikaciju te samim tim i na proces formiranja javne sfere. Budući da tako ometa kvalitetnu raspravu o problemima od društvenog značaja, govor mržnje otežava donošenje demokratskih odluka i na direktan način urušava demokratske vrednosti u društvu. U istraživanju je sprovedena komparativna analiza evropskih i nacionalnih pravnih akata u oblasti govora mržnje i slobode izražavanja, dat je kritički pregled ključnih međunarodnih naučnih studija i istraživanja govora mržnje na internetu, kao i institucionalna analiza postojećih mehanizama za suzbijanje govora mržnje. Pored toga sprovedena je analiza odabranih aktera i analiza sadržaja internet stranica na kojima je plasiran govor mržnje prema određenim manjinskim grupama u Srbiji. U istraživanju je identifikovan, opisana i problematizovan fenomen govora mržnje na internetu u kontekstu javne komunikacije u Srbiji. U definisanju samog pojma govora mržnje, kroz komparativnu analizu različitih izvora, uočeno je da njegovo identfikovanje zavisi od toga šta se u određenom društvenom, političkom i kulturnom konetkst smatra za osnovni problem koji želi da se reši ovakvim definicijama. Posebno je istaknuta razlika u shvatanju govora mržnje u različitim pravnim tradicijama u svetu. Pored toga, u široj 4 javnosti kao i u različitoj stručnoj literaturi često nije dovoljno dobro definisana jasna granica govora mržnje u odnosu na uvrede, klevete, negaciju nekih istorijskih događaja ili opravdavanje zločina, vređanje simbola, kritiku javnih ličnosti, različitih političkih stavova i religija. Nedovoljno jasna granica između dozvoljenog i potencijalno zabranjenog izražavanja dovodi do nesporazuma i neefikasne borbe protiv govora mržnje koji bi potencijalno mogao da izazove ozbiljne negativne posledice. Oštra kritika nekog pojedinca ili neke grupe veoma lako može biti protumačena kao govor mržnje, a takav pristup zapravo zatvara prostor za diskusiju o nekom problemu i na direktan način sputava slobodu izražavanja, te ugrožava deliberativan proces u demokratskom društvu. ; The topic of this dissertation is the theoretical analysis of the regulatory, communication, technological and socio-cultural framework in which the "hate speech" is being developed, as well as analysis of the content and analysis of the effects of hate speech in online communication in Serbia. The aim of the dissertation was to more precisely define the content of hate speech and the context in which it arises, and in relation to the cultural specifics of Serbia, more precisely determines the boundary between the measure in which it is necessary to provide unhindered freedom of expression and limit the spread of hate speech. The main hypothesis in this work was that the concept of hate speech is multidimensional and that its understanding depends on the geographical, cultural and general social context in which it manifests itself. Hate speech online has a negative impact on public communication and, consequently, on the process of forming a public sphere. Since it hinders the quality debate on the problems of social coercion, hate speech makes it difficult to make democratic decisions and directly undermines the stability of democratic values in society. The study has conducted a comparative and normative analysis of European and national legal acts in the field of hate speech and freedom of expression, as well as other international scientific studies and research in order to better understand the problem of hate speech online, as well as institutional analysis of existing mechanisms for combating hate speech. In addition, an analysis of selected actors of hate speech was conducted through an analysis of the content of the websites where hate speech was addressed to certain minority groups in Serbia. The research described the phenomenon of hate speech online as a complex phenomenon needed to be analysed from several angles to show more clearly all the problems and all the challenges of its precise definition. In defining the notion of hate speech itself, through a 8 comparative analysis of various sources, it is noted that it depends on what is considered to be a basic problem which particular country wants to solve with such definitions. There is a particular difference in understanding of the hate speech in various international legal traditions. In general public, as in various professional literatures, the definition of hate speech is often not clear enough in relation to insults, defamation, denial of some historical events or justification of crimes, insulting symbols, and criticism of public figures, political affiliations and religions. The insufficiently clear boundary between permitted and potentially prohibited expression leads to misunderstandings and ineffective fight against hate speech that could potentially cause serious negative consequences. A sharp critique of an individual or of a group can easily be interpreted as hate speech, and such an approach actually closes the space for discussion and directly suppresses freedom of expression and endangers the deliberative process in a democratic society.