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"Administrative responsibility " connotes multiple and even conflicting meanings, including (a) political responsibility, which embodies the virtue of duty; (b) professional responsibility, embodying the virtue of integrity; and (c) personal responsibility, which reflects the qualities of self-awareness and authentic relationship. The theory of countervailing responsibility holds that any one of these three meanings is not only inadequate for a full understanding of responsible action, it also becomes pathological unless it is "countervailed" by each of the other two meanings. Drawing from the fictional exploits of C. S. Forester's Horatio Hornblower, the article explores the subtle and complex relationships among the virtues and pathologies associated with the three meanings of responsibility. The intended contributions of the article are (a) to show why responsible action should not be equated with morally or legally correct action, and (b) to argue that responsibility is both a psychological issue and an intellectual or cognitive one.

This article analyses the complex relationships between the elected parliament and the government.Firstly, effective political participation of the constituency in the election of its parliamentary representatives is limited because of the pre-selection of the candidates by the parties themselves. Secondly, the freedom of the parliament is restricted by the complex network of pressures and counterpressures between legislature and executive. Parliament has recently tried to regain some of its influence by organising special parliamentary inquiry committees and by resorting to professional help for assistance in its legislative work . However, the growing professionalisation might become yet another restriction to the parliamentarians' freedom of political action. Thirdly, parliamentary legislative power is undermined by the subtile way governmental decision making ends in legislation.The mass media seem increasingly unable to translate this complexity to the public. As a result the public becomes more and more indifferent to the functioning of the system, which could endanger the genuine democratic influence of the people in the parliamentary system.

In the Netherlands, the system of rules concerning land‐use and building at first sight seems rigid. A closer look, however, discloses a remarkable amount of flexibility partly authorized by 'hidden' legal possibilities. In assessing applications for building permits officials generally rely primarily not on the rules of building ordinances but on professional norms of good construction practice. A case‐study of land‐use planning shows a decision‐process characterized by coalition‐building which produces plans that are constantly changed to meet shifting external political and economic constraints. Such practices tend to endanger the normative goals of legal certainty and public accountability. To characterize the decision‐processes involved as 'rule‐application' or 'rule‐enforcement' is not adequate. Firstly, because it tends to reduce the complex working of a rule to the imposition of pre‐existing legal standards. Secondly, because the structure of the actors and their relationships is far more complex than a dichotomy of the 'regulator' and 'the regulated' suggests.

The present research used a systems approach to assess the value of afour-year organization development program to an organization and its employee partic ipants. The study was conducted within an environmentally dependent research unit of a multinational Midwest-based corporation. Sales volume, climate/ structure, and perceptual data permitted exploration of relationships among (a) the organization's ability to meet environmental demands, (b) intraorganiza tional climate/structure changes, (c) effectiveness of the OD program for the organization, and (d) perceived value of OD experiences to the program's partic ipants. Subjects represented the total management population and a simple random sample of professional employees (i.e., researchers) within the unit. Results suggest that an OD program may be judged effective at the system level but not necessarily at the group or individual level of analysis. Further, system adaptation may be measured by observation of structural changes, but subjective evaluation of OD program effectiveness may be moderated by the amount and source of conflict experienced within the working environment.

AbstractThis paper describes some of the career problems and issues faced by senior level officers of the Papua New Guinea public service. Restrictive educational and personnel policies prior to independence and subsequent rapid localization of the public service have led to a senior level administrative corps that is predominantly male, relatively young and inexperienced. These circumstances provide the context for a description and analysis of the perceived career impediments of 46 senior level officers, including career opportunity deficiencies; inadequacies of management; inadequacies of knowledge, skills, and abilities; lack of opportunity for decision making and implementation; political influence; inadequacies of staffing; decentralization; lack of procedural guidelines and professional standards; and miscellaneous problems. The analysis suggests that the twin purposes of establishing a career service and rapidly localizing the public service have worked against each other and resulted in career problems such as those perceived by the officers. Greater attention needs to be focused on organizational design, interpersonal relationships, and career development in order to reduce these impediments.

At least three competing proto-theories of Chinese military coalitional behavior (those of William Whitson, Harvey Nelsen, and William Parrish) have been proposed. This study attempts to: (1) reformulate these proto-theories into testable mathematical models, (2) test these reformulated models empirically, and (3) suggest an alternative theory of Chinese military coalitional behavior. I use causal modeling techniques to reformulate these proto-theories into mathematical ones and gather data on 423 members of the Chinese military elite to test the zero-predictions and structural equations of each model. The findings indicate that all three proto-theories may be misspecified theoretically. I then propose an alternative theory, which integrates features from all three proto-theories. This theory argues that members of the Chinese military elite form coalitions according to a set of affective ties and shared professional interests. This set of relationships is stated in mathematical terms, and the mathematical predictions deduced from it fit empirical data.

Mentoring relationships have a qualitative impact on the transition from early to middle adulthood, as well as on adult life itself. This paper proposes that the exploration of the role of mentors in the lives of political leaders will produce suggestive results. The study is a case history which examines the mentor in the early and later life of the adult male, here Willy Brandt. Brandt had two mentors: Julius Leber and Ernst Reuter. Reuter is briefly discussed but we focus here on the first of these, Leber, a prominent Social Democrat during the Weimar era and a legendary member of the German resistance. The essay describes the origins, nature and termination of the Brandt-Leber relationship. The influence of the mentor on the mentee transcended the period of their actual interaction and, as the paper procedes to demonstrate, the intensity of the relationship ensured that Brandt's self-image as Leber's heir continued to affect both professional and ideological choices.

Der Aufsatz schildert im ersten Teil das Moskauer Prostituiertenmilieu und stellt die administrative Behandlung der Prostituierten dar. Im zweiten Teil wird das soziologische Profil der Prostituition in der UdSSR gezeichnet. Die Sozialstruktur der Prostituierten, deren sozialdemographische Merkmale - Altersstruktur, Bildung, soziale Herkunft, Personenstand, Kinderzahl, Berufstätigkeit, Wohnverhältnisse, Lebensstandard - und die Ursachen der Prostitution werden analysiert. Im Gegensatz zur Presse, die ein generelles Verbot für Prostitution fordert, halten die Soziologen grundsätzlich an der bestehenden Straffreiheit der Prostitution fest, räumen den bisher moralisch geächteten sozialen Tatsachen ein Daseinsrecht ein und nehmen eine Neubewertung unter dem Gesichtspunkt der persönlichen Autonomie vor. (BIOst-Str)

The complexity of the issues and dilemmas that face organization development consult ants today are directly related to the increasing complexity of the environment and systems in which we do our work. Using an "open systems" framework, this article examines the current state, the future state, and the gaps and deficiencies between the two. This is intended to be a provocative examination, from the author's point of view, of those areas that are rarely discussed although they continue to create barriers to truly positioning the profession in ways which are seen as adding societal and systemic value. Specifically, this article describes those key current issues which are operative in how we define ourselves and our profession; the work we do and our relationships with our clients; the areas of deficiency which lesson our effectiveness and ability to respond to the needs of our clients; and last, those future issues for the profession and the oppor tunities that could lead to personal and professional enhancement of our willingness and ability to meaningfully impact the direction of our profession.

Recent literature suggests that control of corporations has shifted from individual capitalists to financial institutions. The article, based on original research, examines the relationship between ownership and control in relation to one set of financial institutions, namely pension funds.Focusing particularly on the role of employee representatives on trustee boards of pension schemes, the authors first suggest that the notion of ownership is even less clearcut in the case of pension funds than it is for public corporations. Recognition of pensions as deferred pay implies that the funds should belong to the scheme members, but ownership rights are severely circumscribed. Turning to the control issue, the authors report first on the recent increase in employee representation; they look at the content of decision-making, focusing specifically on three areas: investment, information and the selection of professional staff; and then examine the structure of decision-making, looking both at institutional features (e.g. the relation between participation and collective bargaining) and financial practices. They conclude by stressing the diversity of types of influence exercised, suggesting the presence of complex and multiple relationships between ownership and control.

Western military professionalism and civil-military relations are based on the implicit concept that the military institution is separate from society and is apolitical. There is a great deal of evidence to suggest that such a concept is not only historically unsound but unrealistic in the modern era. The nature of modern conflicts and the nature of liberal democratic systems have obscured, and in many instances eliminated, delineations between the military and society. Consequently, there is a need to redefine military professionalism, based on a new perspective of civil-military relations. The traditional ideal has presumed civilian control and supremacy over the military. In reality however, civil-military relations are based on a variety of informal and formal links between military professionals and civilian elite, and involve a great deal of political activity. Therefore, a more realistic model is one of equilibrium. Such a model is relevant to modern security requirements and fosters a military professionalism whose dimension includes political-social ingredients and a recognition that most contingencies and relationships are rooted in political-military as well as social considerations.

The paper first examines how U.S. immigration policies and economic adaptation of the Chinese affect and modify the Chinese family system in the U.S. and then proceeds to discuss the development of the various types of Chinese American families: the old immigrant families, new immigrant families, American born Chinese families, the families of Chinese professionals and non residential extended families. These families differ not only in size but also in intrafamilial relationships and cultural identities. Some of these families are more Old World oriented; others are U.S. oriented. Some straddle two cultures - Chinese and American. Some are characterized by dominance of the traditional father-son bond, others the mother-child bond, and still others the husband-wife bond. The immigration policies and the economic adaptation of the Chinese which affected the development of the Chinese American families are responsible also for the development of the current trends: 1) the weakening of patrilineal kinship, 2) the emergence of the non-residential extended family, 3) the increased occurrence of fictive kinship, 4) the popularity of the nuclear family and 5) the replacement of the traditional fatherson bond by husband-wife bond. Some of these developmental trends are contrasted with those in Chinese communities in Lima and Manila. Although the American environment has modified the Chinese families, some Old World traditions linger on among all the Chinese in New York. All seem to value personalism and familism. All want to incorporate friends into their kinship network. This tendency of enlarging one's personal/kinship network seems to be universal whether it is m Lima, Manila or New York City.

Classification, De-classification, Re-classification.
The strategies of reproduction and in particular the strategies of re-conversion depend on the objective profit-risks offered to investments in a given state of the institutional instruments of reproduction and of the capital they are to reproduce ; it follows that the recent transformations of the relationship between the different classes and the educational System —which have resulted in the massive increase in schooling and all the corresponding changes in the educational System itself, and all the transformations of the social structure which, at least in part, are due to the transformation of the relationships holding between qualifications and job-openings— are the result of an intensification of competition for educational qualifications. Thus, those fractions of the ruling and middle classes which are richest in economc capital have had, in order to ensure their reproduction, to greatly intensify the use they made of the educational System, constraining the fractions whose reproduction was hitherto ensured chiefly by schooling to intensify their investments in schooling. Hence the inflation of qualifications and their devaluation. As a consequence of devaluation, the broadening of the monopoly of the holders of educational qualifications over positions which were until then open to non degree-holders means that the chief victims of this process are those who go onto the job-market without qualifications. Hence a reinforcement of the way in which schooling predetermines professional career opportunities and of the interdependence of qualification and job-opening. The re-conversion of the economic capital into cultural capital permits the middle classes to maintain the position of its heirs and explains the morphological changes within the middle classes and, in particular, the emergeance of a new type of craftsmen and trade with a high cultural investment.
The hysteresis of the habitus tends to conceal the devaluation of qualifications from the classes which are furthest from the educational System. The other classes can, in order to escape loss of position, either produce new professions more adapted to their social claims, or else modify in accordance with these claims, by a redefinition implying a re-evaluation, those professions to which their qualifications give access. This creative redefinition effect can be observed in professions of sparse distribution and low degree of professionalisation, such as the new sectors of cultural and artistic production and all those professions which ensure the best return on the cultural capital transmitted by the family; consultative occupations, and those of presentation and representation. One can only understand the emergeance of that new petty-bourgeoisie which harnesses to its function as intermediary between the classes new instruments of manipulation by reference to the transformations in the methods of ruling which, since they are concerned to ensure the symbolic integration of the ruled classes, grant more importance to the prescribing of needs rather than the instilling of norms.
The increase in school-attendance underlies a whole group of transformations in the educational System itself; the well-defined boundaries of the old system are supplanted by the vague classifications of a system which sanctions vagueness of aspirations. It is as if the new logic of the educational system and the economic system promoted the maximum postponement of the moment when, by a series of imperceptible degrees, the final balance-sheet of the semi-bourgeois abortive careers is settled at last. Hence the type of structural instability we find in the representation of social identity and aspirations.
The outcome of all the opposing effects of re-conversion and re-classification, is a global movement upwards of the structure of the distribution, between classes and segments of classes, of the wealth which is the stake of competitiveness, the maintenance of order, that is to say of relational property, being therefore ensured by the ceaseless changes in substantial properties.