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Iran is now subjected to the harshest economic sanctions ever imposed on any country in the world. This report discusses if and how these sanctions work, first by analysing their intended purposes and how the many phases and layers of sanctions imposed by the USA, the EU and the UN Security Council have created an almost impenetrable, escalating sanctions regime against Iran. Secondly, the report illustrates how the sanctions are experienced, debated and received in Iran, and what direct and indirect consequences the sanctions have on Iran's nuclear program, the country's financial crisis, social conditions and the upcoming presidential election in June 2013. The conclusion is that the sanctions do work, but not according to their intentions. The sanctions are contributing to changing Iran: The external pressure creates further tensions and fractions on the domestic political scene; the market moves from the West to the East, and people are subjected to a humanitarian crisis. But the sanctions have not limited Iran's nuclear program; it has only been further developed during the last seven years. Therefore, there is still a considerable risk that the increasing isolation of Iran in a worst case scenario can lead to a military confrontation.

Intro -- Foreword DAPMARC'2015 -- CONTENTS -- 1. Are All We Need Heroes? - The New Role of the IT Project Manager -- 2. Fast or Smart? How the Use of Scrum Can Influence the Temporal Environment in a Project -- 3. Hidden Goals in Projects: A Qualitative Exploratory Study of their Occurrence and Causes -- 4. "Frontload" in Complex Project Program Management to Aim for Lifetime Sustainability of Offshore Windmill Parks -- 5. Metaphors in Projects - An Overlooked X-factor -- 6. Bridging Gaps between IT and Business: An Empirical Investigation of IT Project Portfolio Management using Process Mining and P3M3 Maturity Model -- 7. Governance of Projects and Value Generation in Project-oriented Organizations -- 8. Theory Meets Practice: Practical Implications of Process Theory in Project Management.

How are school meals organized in the Scandinavian countries? And in what ways can new pedagogical practice lead to better school meal programs for students and a better understanding of the importance, for health and sustainable development, of the food offered through schools? Learning Through Food and Meals in Primary School takes a look at school meal programs in Denmark, Sweden and Norway with the objective of providing educators and teacher-education students an understanding of school meals from public health and nutritional perspectives, as well as a sense of the potential for teaching through school meals.

The book is written in Danish, Swedish and Norwegian, and is structured in three parts, presenting new research from each of the three countries. Thematically, the chapters range from studies of different school meal initiatives to analyses of the social, democratic, and pedagogical significance of school meals.

Through the different contributions, the book presents both experiences of how teaching through food can be done in a practical sense and an argument for its importance in an overall pedagogical and didactic perspective.

The book will be relevant for anyone who is interested in food and meals served in primary schools, such as teachers, researchers, politicians and school administrators.

The authors include researchers, educators and primary school administrators. Learning Through Food and Meals in Primary School has been edited by Dorte Ruge (UCL University College, Denmark), Frøydis Nordgård Vik (University of Agder, Norway), and Johanna Björklund and Sara Frödén (Örebro University, Sweden). The anthology has been made possible with the support of Nordplus Horisontal, project LEARNFOOD. The illustrations on the cover of the book are by Elisabeth Werngren (Sweden) and Marie Madsen (Denmark). - Hvordan er skolemåltiderne organiseret i de skandinaviske lande? Og på hvilken måde kan ny pædagogisk praksis give eleverne et bedre skolemadstilbud og en bedre forståelse af skolemadens betydning for sundhed og bæredygtig udvikling? Læring gennem mad og måltider i grundskolen præsenterer viden om skolemad fra Danmark, Sverige og Norge. Formålet med antologien er at give pædagoger, lærere og studerende indenfor læreruddannelse, folkesundhed og ernæring viden om skolemad, og om hvad læring gennem måltider kan være. Bogen er skrevet på dansk, svensk og norsk. Den er inddelt i tre dele, som præsenterer ny forskning fra hvert enkelt land. Tematisk spænder indholdet fra studier af forskellige skolemadsordninger til forskning i skolemåltidernes sociale, demokratiske og pædagogiske betydning. Gennem de forskellige bidrag præsenterer bogen både erfaringer med, hvordan læring gennem skolemåltider kan foregå i praksis, og en begrundelse for, hvorfor dette er vigtigt i et helhedsorienteret pædagogisk og didaktisk perspektiv. Bogen er relevant for alle, som er optaget af mad og skolemåltider i grundskolen, herunder lærere, forskere, politikere, skoleledere og rektorer. Forfatterne omfatter både forskere og lærere, pædagoger og skoleledere i grundskolen. Læring gennem mad og måltider i grundskolen er redigeret af Dorte Ruge (UCL Erhvervsakademi og Professionshøjskole, Danmark), Frøydis Nordgård Vik (Universitetet i Agder, Norge) samt Johanna Björklund og Sara Frödén (Örebro Universitet, Sverige). Antologien er støttet af Nordplus Horisontal, projekt LEARNFOOD. Illustrationer på omslag er udarbejdet af Elisabeth Werngren (Sverige) og Marie Madsen (Danmark).

Vestens umiddelbare reaksjon på Talibans maktovertakelse i Afghanistan i august 2021 har stort sett vært den samme som da Taliban kom til makten første gang i 1996. Vestlige stater og FN valgte den gang å isolere regimet, nekte diplomatisk anerkjennelse og etter hvert innføre strenge sanksjoner. Humanitær bistand var tillatt, men ikke samarbeid med Talibans statlige organer og ikke kanalisering av bistand via staten. Det er derfor grunn til å vurdere Vestens nåværende respons i lys av historien. Sanksjons- og isoleringspolitikken på 1990-tallet ga ikke forventede resultater og virket for det meste mot sin hensikt. Er det grunn til å tro at en lignende politikk i dag vil være mer effektiv? Hvis ikke, hva er konturene av et bredere og strategisk mer balansert engasjement?
Abstract in EnglishThe Road Ahead – Confrontation or Creative Compromises?The immediate reaction of Western states to the Taliban's seizure of power in Afghanistan in August 2021 was broadly speaking the same as when the Taliban first came to power in 1996. Western states and the UN chose at that time to isolate the regime, deny it diplomatic recognition and gradually impose strong sanctions. Humanitarian assistance was allowed, but not program cooperation with Taliban authorities and state institutions, and no assistance was to be channelled via the Taliban-controlled state. The results are highly relevant today. In the 1990s, the sanctions-and-isolation policy did not bring about the desired results, and in important respects were counter-productive. Are there reasons to believe that similar policies today will be more effective? This article outlines the contours of a broader and strategic more balanced engagement.

Denne artikkelen undersøker hvordan nylig inntrufne endringer i amerikansk atomvåpenstrategi kan påvirke krisestabiliteten mellom USA og Russland og hvilke implikasjoner det kan ha for Norge. Enkelt oppsummert fremstår moderniseringsprogrammene til atomvåpnene, introduksjonen av nye våpen og den deklaratoriske politikken egnet til å undergrave krisestabiliteten fordi det gir USA økte counterforce-kapasiteter. Dette har implikasjoner for norsk alliansepolitikk: Endringene i amerikansk atomvåpenstrategi kan senke terskelen for etablering av bastionforsvaret og øke russisk usikkerhet om norsk tilrettelegging for amerikansk politikk. Med utgangspunkt i tradisjonell teori om krisestabilitet, fremstår flere av de identifiserte endringene i USAs atomvåpenstrategi som destabiliserende. Den tyder på at amerikanske myndigheter ikke aksepterer ideen om den «kjernefysiske revolusjonen». Til tross for dette, skal bekymringen for atomkrig ikke overdrives. Militære analyser må omsettes til politikk. Selv om sannsynligheten for et vellykket førsteslag øker, er det vanskelig å forestille seg politikere som vil risikere atomkrig. Det betyr at avskrekking er mer robust enn hva rene militæranalyser tilsier.
Abstract in EnglishIn the Shadow of Nuclear Weapons: American Nuclear Policy and NorwayThe aim of this article is to provide insight into how recent changes in U.S. nuclear weapon strategy might affect crisis stability between the U.S. and Russia and what implications they might have for Norway. In brief, the nuclear modernization programs, introduction of new systems and changes in declaratory policy may undermine crisis stability because they enhance U.S. "counterforce" capabilities. This has implications for Norwegian alliance policy: changes in U.S. nuclear strategy might lower the threshold for Russia to establish the bastion concept and increase Russia's uncertainty about the scope of Norwegian facilitation of U.S. policy. Utilizing traditional theories of crisis stability on recent policy changes indicates that the current stability is tenuous. It seems as if subsequent U.S. administrations do not accept the idea of a "nuclear revolution". Despite this, concerns about a nuclear war should not be exaggerated. Military analyses must be translated into political action. Even if the chance of a successful first strike increases, it is difficult to imagine politicians willing to risk a nuclear war. This indicates that deterrence is more robust than what pure military analyses suggest.

I marts 2005 var det 20 år, siden Mikhail Gorbatjov kom til magten i Sovjetunionen som generalsekretær for Sovjetunionens Kommunistiske Parti og fremlagde sit program til reform af det sovjetiske system. Nøgleordene i reformen var perestrojka, glasnost og demokratisering. De fik ikke alene betydning indadtil, men også udadtil i forholdet til omverdenen, der hurtigt fattede lid til Gorbatjov og hans nyskabelser. Dette working paper giver et overblik over Gorbatjovs og hans meningsfællers opfattelse af udviklingen siden da og deres vurdering af reformernes skæbne og skildrer Ruslands stilling på verdensscenen i dag. Dette indebærer også en kritisk vurdering af præsident Vladimir Putins indenrigs- og udenrigspolitik. Der tegnes et billede af et svagt Rusland, der ikke har frigjort sig fra den sovjetiske arvs byrde, men tværtimod på mange måder søger tilbage til den autoritære styreform, et Rusland, der ved inertiens kraft stadig nyder en vis respekt, om end ikke anseelse i det internationale samfund. ; In March 2005 it was 20 years since Mikhail Gorbachev came to power in the Soviet Union as Secretary-General of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and presented his programme for reform of the Soviet system. Key words in the reform were perestroika, glasnost and democratization. They became important not only internally but also externally in the relations to the outside world that swiftly put its trust in Gorbachev and his innovations. This working paper gives an overview of the perception that Gorbachev and his like-minded have of the development since then, presents their evaluation of the fate of the reforms and of the position of Russia on the world scene today. This also includes a critical evaluation of the domestic and foreign policies of President Vladimir Putin. The paper outlines a weak Russia that has not released itself from the burden of the Soviet heritage but on the contrary in many ways goes back to the authoritarian form of government, a Russia that by inertia still enjoys a certain respect although not esteem in the international community.