Suchergebnisse

The Promotion of Female Personnel Within the Irish Armed Forces The aim of this study, to critically examine the status and roles assigned female personnel in the PDF, has been addressed in a number of ways. The role of women in the PDF has been examined in chapter seven, in terms of the deployment policies and practices as promulgated by the military authorities. The pattern of women's employment within a gender division of labour was charted through a number of unit audits. The women's attitudes to this pattern of employment and their aspirations in this respect were also assessed through a simple analysis of interview data. In the chapter on training, an analysis of the PDF training environment, particularly as it impacts on women, gave some insights into the role envisaged for female troops, and their perceived status within a male dominated organisation. The issue of status, in terms of the numbers and visibility of women, was assessed in the chapter on recruitment. PDF policies in this regard were shown to have had an effect on any possible impact women may have had on the organisation by limiting the numbers of those eligible to apply for service and imposing quotas on the numbers of those selected for service. Issues of status were also examined in the chapter on deployment in terms of the appointments assigned female personnel over the primary and secondary roles of the organisation. The issue of status is now further examined in this chapter on promotion. There is a discussion of the criteria for promotion and how PDF deployment and training policies impact on women's promotion opportunities in this regard. There is a simple analysis of figures in relation to female (other ranks) promotion and female officers' promotion. There is also a qualitative insight into the perceptions of female troops in relation to their promotion prospects and their aspirations for promotion. The power or status of women within the organisation through this simple analysis can be assessed by applying the models outlined by Adler (1994) in terms of access to "strategic power" and Reskin and Padavic (1994) in terms of "autonomy" for female personnel. It will be of interest to note if the PDF operates to proactively promote women in the workplace in accord with EEA guidelines (1998) and in line with the spirit of equality of opportunity literature, or if indeed the PDF is a work environment hostile to equality of opportunity with an ad hoc and "informal promotion policy and a work culture that froze (sic) women out". (Reskin and Padavic, 1994: 98-9)

Women entrepreneurs have started taking leading roles in the country's economic development. One of the remarkable observations of today is entry of 'Women' into the entrepreneurial ventures. There has been a shift in the empowerment of women in India. Even though, in the past, they were treated inferior to their male counterpart, now they have come forward with increasing interest and vigour to be the entrepreneurs. They have started extending their productive hands in taking leading roles in the enterprise promotion along with their usual households. Again, Government's initiation through certain policies changes in their favour has accelerated the promotion and growth of women entrepreneurship in India. The case studies to be cited in paper highlights the entrepreneurial abilities of women today. One of the remarkable observations is that the present women entrepreneurs have become more customer friendly, and have clear understanding of the philosophy of marketing. Accordingly they have been adopting strategic marketing in real practice in success of their enterprise. This adoption of strategic marketing practice has made them to be successful women entrepreneurs. The specific contribution of marketing in the organization lies in the formulation of strategies to choose the right customer, build relationships of trust with them and create a competitive advantage. This paper is an attempt to presents the trend and constraints of the growth of women entrepreneurship and focuses on the understanding and adoption of strategic marketing by them in managing their enterprises. This has been discussed through the case study.

Fathia Mokhtar Mzali is the Minister for the Family and the Promotion of Women in the Tunisian government since November 1983 .

The underrepresentation of women in leading positions at institutions of higher education is a social problem throughout Europe. The advancement of women in these institutions is therefore the central question addressed in this article. Advancement of women here refers to the actual legal situation of women. The subject of this enquiry is the implementation of the EC directive on the equal treatment of women and men in national regulations. The central hypothesis is that the individual member countries differ in their implementation. The result of the study is that the advancement of women depends on the `cultural type' of the country in question. In countries of the Romance-Catholic cultural area women experience less equal treatment in national law than they do in countries with a discrepancy between language and religion and of the Germanic-Protestant cultural area.

The gender gap in voting for far-right parties is significant in many European countries. While most studies focus on how men and women differ in their nationalist and populist attitudes, it is unknown how the socio-economic and political promotion of women is associated with the gender gap in far-right political orientation. The following paper compares the effect of four different spheres of gender equality on this gender gap. By estimating multilevel logit models for more than 25 European countries and testing the mechanism via a socially conservative attitude toward gendered division of work, I find that the visible field of representation in particular—measured by the share of women in parliament and women on boards—is associated with a gender gap in far-right orientation. This paper contributes to the literature in two important ways: first, it combines policy feedback with cultural backlash theory, enlarging the scope of both theories; second, it demonstrates the importance of gender equality policies for the study of the far-right gender gap.

On April 6, 1994, violence broke out in Rwanda, with Hutu killing Tutsi. The violence began as a response to the shooting of President Juvenal Habyarimana's plane at about 8:30 pm on April 6 and killed all on board. It degenerated into a genocide that lasted for one hundred days and left approximately eight hundred thousand people dead. This genocide has been the subject of extensive study and documentation.1 In Rwandan Women Rising, Swanee Hunt adds to this literature by exploring how Rwandan women rose from helpless victims to powerful and influential positions of leadership that enabled them to be at the forefront of helping their country rise from the ashes. Drawing on hundreds of conversations with mostly women and a few men over a period of sixteen years, Hunt brings forth the women's stories both during and after the massacre. She lets Rwandan women share their stories in their own words.This gives the reader a vivid picture of the events and experiences during the massacre and in its aftermath. Her main thrust is that the genocide and its aftermath provided space and opportunities for Rwandan women to rise to prominent positions, especially as they engaged in talks, reconciliation work, and took up positions in both government structures and the private sector. But how was this possible and what was the context?

'Die anhaltende geschlechtsspezifische Arbeitsmarktsegregation in westlichen Industriegesellschaften ist wissenschaftlich erklärungs- und politisch veränderungsbedürftig, um so mehr, als sich in den letzten Jahrzehnten die traditionellen Unterschiede in Erwerbsverhalten und Qualifikationsstruktur der Geschlechter eher reduziert haben. Der Beitrag fragt nach den Erfolgsaussichten der bisher in Deutschland praktizierten Strategie der Frauenförderung, die sich von eher egalitär ausgerichteten Strategien nach US-amerikanischem Vorbild aber auch von dem wohlfahrtsstaatlich ausgerichteten schwedischen Modell durch eine Orientierung auf Geschlechterdifferenz unterscheidet. Am Beispiel empirischer Ergebnisse zu Struktur und Wirkung von Frauenförderung in der Privatwirtschaft und an Hochschulen wie auch der Diskussion um neue Chancen von Frauen im Management wird gezeigt, daß diese Konzepte, die die Vereinbarkeitsproblematik, Qualifizierungsprobleme oder aber vermeintliche spezifisch weibliche Fähigkeiten zum Ausgangspunkt nehmen, unzulänglich sind, weil sie das traditionelle, inzwischen jedoch brüchig gewordene Familien- und Erwerbsmuster und die darin eingelagerten Machtstrukturen nicht in Frage stellen. Eine erfolgversprechende Gleichstellungspolitik, für die es durchaus Ansatzpunkte gibt, muß diesen Zusammenhang wie auch die widersprüchliche, sozial differenzierende Entwicklungsdynamik gesamtgesellschaftlicher Strukturveränderungen in den Blick nehmen.' (Autorenreferat)