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One of the fundamental categories of general sociology concerns power. Regardless of differences in interpretation, power can be defined as the dependence between subordinator and subordinated. This relation is unidirectional. When discussing influence, this property is significant, as otherwise it could be reciprocal, or an influence could be exerted by many other entities that are not bound by the relationship of subordination. The nature of international relations is too specific to allow a simple transfer of power-related phenomena from the realm of domestic relations. One can indicate the presence of delegated power, resulting from the mutual assignment of subordination rights to international decision- making bodies. The processes of international power are divided into procedures of hard power, soft power and smart power, the latter signifying the manifestation of effective power, making use of the mechanisms of the former two. It is also important to take into account the specificity of the legitimization of international power and manifestations of accountability. Also not without significance is the capacity for the implementation of international power, equipped with the relevant enforcement instruments. ; One of the fundamental categories of general sociology concerns power. Regardless of differences in interpretation, power can be defined as the dependence between subordinator and subordinated. This relation is unidirectional. When discussing influence, this property is significant, as otherwise it could be reciprocal, or an influence could be exerted by many other entities that are not bound by the relationship of subordination. The nature of international relations is too specific to allow a simple transfer of power-related phenomena from the realm of domestic relations. One can indicate the presence of delegated power, resulting from the mutual assignment of subordination rights to international decision- making bodies. The processes of international power are divided into procedures of hard power, soft power and smart power, the latter signifying the manifestation of effective power, making use of the mechanisms of the former two. It is also important to take into account the specificity of the legitimization of international power and manifestations of accountability. Also not without significance is the capacity for the implementation of international power, equipped with the relevant enforcement instruments.

On 16 March 2019 the amendment of the Act – the Industrial Property Law, which implemented the European Parliament and EU Council Directive 2015/2436 of 16 December 2015, aiming the rapprochement of legislation within the membership countries regarding trade marks. The essential change, that the amendment implemented is the cancellation of the necessity of graphical representation of the trade mark, what allows to simplify the registration of the unconventional trade marks. The purpose of the article is to present how the registration of unconventional trade marks looked within the light of the Luxembourg tribunal's statements. ; W dniu 16 marca 2019 r. weszła w życie nowelizacja ustawy Prawo własności przemysłowej, która implementowała dyrektywę Parlamentu Europejskiego i Rady (UE) 2015/2436 z dnia 16 grudnia 2015 r. mającą na celu zbliżenie ustawodawstw państw członkowskich odnoszących się do znaków towarowych. Istotną zmianą, jaką wprowadziła nowelizacja, jest zniesienie wymogu graficznej przedstawialności znaku towarowego. Umożliwi to łatwiejszą rejestrację niekonwencjonalnych znaków towarowych. Celem niniejszego artykułu jest zaprezentowanie, jak w świetle orzecznictwa trybunału luksemburskiego przedstawiała się rejestracja niekonwencjonalnych znaków towarowych.

The European Union does not have an autonomous and self-standing public policy concerning the protection of landscape. Instead, it adopts fragmentary and incidental measures meant to protect landscape. These measures are adopted within the frameworks of other EU policies, most importantly the EU environmental policy as well as other policies which are integrated with it (such as agricultural policy or policy concerned with special planning). In all these realms, the EU shares its powers with its member states. In some important areas, such as e.g. the property regime, the member states retained their exclusive competences. This particular distribution of powers makes the implementation of the extra-EU international law instruments rather difficult and not sufficiently effective to produce a worthwhile impact. These obligations have a limited influence because most of them are obligations of "a diligent pursue" rather than "firm result". As such, they are unlikely to give rise to direct application of respective conventional provisions. Notwithstanding, their importance is much more pronounced in the area of legal reasoning, where even the EU or domestic measures have to be interpreted in the light of the EU and/or its member states' obligations arising from international conventions on landscape protection.

Seven drafts of the constitution submitted to the Polish Sejm by political parties have been analyzed and compared within the scope of regulations concerning the economic organization of the society: property rights, freedom of economic activity and its limitations, social security, state budget and debt, etc. Though advanced by groups of different or even (seemingly) opposite political orientations, the drafts do not differ much, all of them presenting a vision of a rather liberal state with the possibility of state intervention, in case it is necessary to protect "the public good". Most important differences may be noticed in the area of social insurance, education and health service. It is, however, often difficult to state decisively what the differences between the drafts consist in. All the drafts have been written in a very general language. It is only the future legislation which will determine the shape of the economic system of the state, and will interpret the still vague regulations of the constitution, the final version of which will certainly be a compromise between the submitted drafts. ; Digitalizacja i deponowanie archiwalnych zeszytów RPEiS sfinansowane przez MNiSW w ramach realizacji umowy nr 541/P-DUN/2016

The intention of the author of this paper is to present a scientific analysis of the influence of culture and the cultural diplomacy of the European Union on the animation and stimulation of Europe's integration process, which is in a constant state of perturbation and lack of stability. It examines the problem-related approach to the European Union's change and development strategy, including the "Europe 2020" strategy for smart, sustainable and inclusive growth, which envisages the implementation of many new communal initiatives and practical solutions introduced by the European Union, including ones that concern both the cultural sector and the creative and audiovisual sector. The European Union, from 2020 onwards, intends to be ready to reach a high level of employment and efficiency, and a higher level of social integration. To enable this, the European Union must ensure attractive framework conditions for innovation and creativity. In that respect, the cultural sector and the creative and audiovisual sector are the source of groundbreaking ideas which may develop into products and services that could contribute to economic growth and job creation, thereby fighting the crisis and social problems. The economic and social crisis in Europe has also been influencing the world of culture. A series of problematic issues associated with the fragmentation of culture and its inventions are identified, including globalisation and digitalisation, underinvestment, inadequate protection of intellectual property and copyright, and insufficient international cultural cooperation. ; The intention of the author of this paper is to present a scientific analysis of the influence of culture and the cultural diplomacy of the European Union on the animation and stimulation of Europe's integration process, which is in a constant state of perturbation and lack of stability. It examines the problem-related approach to the European Union's change and development strategy, including the "Europe 2020" strategy for smart, sustainable and inclusive growth, which envisages the implementation of many new communal initiatives and practical solutions introduced by the European Union, including ones that concern both the cultural sector and the creative and audiovisual sector. The European Union, from 2020 onwards, intends to be ready to reach a high level of employment and efficiency, and a higher level of social integration. To enable this, the European Union must ensure attractive framework conditions for innovation and creativity. In that respect, the cultural sector and the creative and audiovisual sector are the source of groundbreaking ideas which may develop into products and services that could contribute to economic growth and job creation, thereby fighting the crisis and social problems. The economic and social crisis in Europe has also been influencing the world of culture. A series of problematic issues associated with the fragmentation of culture and its inventions are identified, including globalisation and digitalisation, underinvestment, inadequate protection of intellectual property and copyright, and insufficient international cultural cooperation.

The problem of shaping the security designates one of the most important tasks facing the state nowadays. The key role in constituting and maintaining an adequate level of security of the state plays a strategy and national policy on the field of leadership, efficient organization of crisis management system or the elimination of internal and external threats. Knowledge about the essence of the state security sets the scope of self-determination of citizens with reference to their basic existential needs and requirements, as well as national values. The implementation of these requirements is generally understood as protection of life and health, timeless ethical values, property and environment, as well as state institutions against threats from the forces of nature and human activities. Neutralizing these threats must be a priority of the state, since the proper management of security leads to the survival of current and future generations of Poles and ensures proper living conditions and development. Creation of a superior, integrated plans of defense of life and human health and the protection of national infrastructure is of a great importance for the security of the country. The focus on the utilization of full potential of both the state and local authorities and commercial protection establishments also becomes the most valuable

Socio-economic transformation as a profound and thorough reform of the system and institutions promotes corruption practices and can be the means to fight one, too. Two kinds of understanding of corruption may be indicated: narrow (pathological and functional interpretation) and wider emphasising the neo-institutional argumentation, pointing out to systemic and structural causes of corruption. A theoretical and practical problem remains, whether corruption is of systemic nature (fundamental institution), or is secondary (consequence institution).The analysis of corruption may be done by means of the new institutionalism and consequence theories: transaction costs, theory of property rights, theory of clubs, principal-agent theory, theory of asymmetry information, capture theories, rent seeking theory, theory of games and theory of public choice.The dynamics of the Polish economy and wide researches in corruption (the differences between perceiving and experiencing) indicates that the corruption factors which paralyse the economic development have not dominated the economic system in Poland as yet, and that the system maintains its autonomy. Still, typical corruption- clientelistic societies are not common today, also in Poland. The above problems do not change the fact that corruption is a major problem and in the long run would cause a loss of competitiveness of Polish economy on the global market.

Stanislaw Staszic was an educator and statesman, translator, political writer, philosopher, economic activist, philanthropist, pacifist, explorer, and geologist. Thanks to speculation and savings, he accumulated property worth millions, which he earmarked for public purposes. In a didactic poem entitled Ród ludzki (The Human Race), published in the years 1819 to 1820 (and written in the years 1791 to 1814), S. Staszic not only presented the phases of human development, but also - as the first amongst Polish scholars - the idea of a general association of nations. Although earlier attempts to unite Europe (taken by ancient Greeks, Romans, Charlemagne and Napoleon Bonaparte) had ended in fiasco, European nations had reached a point where a new political organization could be achieved. S. Staszic believed that the association of nations would ensure sustainable peace and create conditions for the development of the economy. ; Stanisław Staszic był wychowawcą i mężem stanu, tłumaczem, pisarzem politycznym, filozofem, działaczem gospodarczym, filantropem, pacyfistą, podróżnikiem i geologiem. Dzięki spekulacjom i oszczędnościom zgromadził milionowy majątek, który przeznaczył na cele publiczne. W opublikowanym w latach 1819−1820 (a pisanym w latach 1791−1814) poemacie dydaktycznym pt. Ród ludzki S. Staszic przedstawił nie tylko fazy rozwoju ludzkości, ale również – jako pierwszy w nauce polskiej – ideę zrzeszenia powszechnego narodów. Chociaż wcześniejsze próby zjednoczenia Europy (podejmowane przez starożytnych Greków, Rzymian, Karola Wielkiego i Napoleona Bonaparte) zakończyły się fiaskiem, narody europejskie dojrzały od nowej organizacji politycznej. S. Staszic uważał, że zrzeszenie narodów zapewni trwały pokój oraz stworzy warunki do rozwoju całej gospodarki.

Stanislaw Staszic was an educator and statesman, translator, political writer, philosopher, economic activist, philanthropist, pacifist, explorer, and geologist. Thanks to speculation and savings, he accumulated property worth millions, which he earmarked for public purposes. In a didactic poem entitled Ród ludzki (The Human Race), published in the years 1819 to 1820 (and written in the years 1791 to 1814), S. Staszic not only presented the phases of human development, but also - as the first amongst Polish scholars - the idea of a general association of nations. Although earlier attempts to unite Europe (taken by ancient Greeks, Romans, Charlemagne and Napoleon Bonaparte) had ended in fiasco, European nations had reached a point where a new political organization could be achieved. S. Staszic believed that the association of nations would ensure sustainable peace and create conditions for the development of the economy. ; Stanisław Staszic był wychowawcą i mężem stanu, tłumaczem, pisarzem politycznym, filozofem, działaczem gospodarczym, filantropem, pacyfistą, podróżnikiem i geologiem. Dzięki spekulacjom i oszczędnościom zgromadził milionowy majątek, który przeznaczył na cele publiczne. W opublikowanym w latach 1819−1820 (a pisanym w latach 1791−1814) poemacie dydaktycznym pt. Ród ludzki S. Staszic przedstawił nie tylko fazy rozwoju ludzkości, ale również – jako pierwszy w nauce polskiej – ideę zrzeszenia powszechnego narodów. Chociaż wcześniejsze próby zjednoczenia Europy (podejmowane przez starożytnych Greków, Rzymian, Karola Wielkiego i Napoleona Bonaparte) zakończyły się fiaskiem, narody europejskie dojrzały od nowej organizacji politycznej. S. Staszic uważał, że zrzeszenie narodów zapewni trwały pokój oraz stworzy warunki do rozwoju całej gospodarki.

The article aims at presenting basic problems of decision-making independence of an enterprise arising in connection with the present (instituted in 1982) economic reform which opened new and hitherto unknown possibilities for an enterprise to shape independently its own activity at short and long range. The considerations are laid in a historical background, helping to accentuate innovatory and progressive conceptions of the reform and to expose the facts of retaining or rejecting some solutions introduced by previous reforms. The starting point has been provided by the thesis about limied decision-making independence of an enterprise as long as the national economy functions under the conditions of socialized basic means of production and the active role of the central plan. However, the above does not settle explicitly the question of the range and types of independence; the latter may be shapd in various ways. Accepting fully an extensive, and as broad as possible, independence of an enterprise in current and developmental matters, the author carried out the detailed analysis of three main decision-making spheres: 1) the decisions concerning production and exploitation, 2) the decisions concerning supplies and sales, 3) the decisions concerning property and income. The results of the analysis are to inform the management of new opportunities and prerogatives of its decision-making activity and of the problems to be autonomically overcome and solved by means of decision-making measures. ; Digitalizacja i deponowanie archiwalnych zeszytów RPEiS sfinansowane przez MNiSW w ramach realizacji umowy nr 541/P-DUN/2016

The recent years of the Trotskyite movement have seen the intensification of two tendencies. The first one involves a new perception of the radical social demands made by the Trotskyite candidates in local, parliamentary and presidential elections. The other one involves the functional incorporation of a broad range of youth and alternative issues into the Trotskyite movement. Similar elements are also present in the program of the Ukrainian Union 'Struggle', established in 1999. The 'Struggle' shares the opinions on the Bolshevik Revolution of 1917 and the reasons for its failure with all other Trotskyite organizations. It has also developed quite a detailed approach to the issue of Ukrainian independence and the Orange Revolution. In the opinion of Ukrainian Trotskyists V. Yushchenko and V. Yanukovych represented the clans of oligarchs, who had the single aim of destroying the Ukrainian economy by privatizing national property and stealing what the former government did not manage to take away from the nation. The choice was not between Europe and Russia but between American capital waving a European flag and American capital waving a Russian flag. The 'Struggle' assumes though that the Orange Revolution has brought advantages as well: the judiciary is trusted, the nation no longer dreads corrupted bureaucracy and political processes raise social interest. It is doubtful that the nearest future will bring any significant changes in the influence of the Trotskyite movement. It is possible, however, that it will manage to contribute new elements to the growing anti-globalist movement. In terms of the Ukrainian future it may be justifiably assumed that society will become 'disappointed' with the new government. Then, radical groups with clear views, such as Trotskyists, are likely to participate in the government. ; The recent years of the Trotskyite movement have seen the intensification of two tendencies. The first one involves a new perception of the radical social demands made by the Trotskyite candidates in local, parliamentary and presidential elections. The other one involves the functional incorporation of a broad range of youth and alternative issues into the Trotskyite movement. Similar elements are also present in the program of the Ukrainian Union 'Struggle', established in 1999. The 'Struggle' shares the opinions on the Bolshevik Revolution of 1917 and the reasons for its failure with all other Trotskyite organizations. It has also developed quite a detailed approach to the issue of Ukrainian independence and the Orange Revolution. In the opinion of Ukrainian Trotskyists V. Yushchenko and V. Yanukovych represented the clans of oligarchs, who had the single aim of destroying the Ukrainian economy by privatizing national property and stealing what the former government did not manage to take away from the nation. The choice was not between Europe and Russia but between American capital waving a European flag and American capital waving a Russian flag. The 'Struggle' assumes though that the Orange Revolution has brought advantages as well: the judiciary is trusted, the nation no longer dreads corrupted bureaucracy and political processes raise social interest. It is doubtful that the nearest future will bring any significant changes in the influence of the Trotskyite movement. It is possible, however, that it will manage to contribute new elements to the growing anti-globalist movement. In terms of the Ukrainian future it may be justifiably assumed that society will become 'disappointed' with the new government. Then, radical groups with clear views, such as Trotskyists, are likely to participate in the government.

The article analyzes the present order, called neoliberal globalization. It serves American corporations from the arms, mining, financial and ICT sectors to accumulate the capital. They made Wall Street the financial center of the world where the surplus of Europe, Japan and Latin American is transformed into the American bonds. This order is embedded in the institutions created and steered by the American state. The competitive advantage in this phase of the evolution of capitalism is given not only by control over so-called intellectual property but also by conquering a possibly large market. That is the reason for the competition between huge mega-corporations such as American GAFA or Chinese BATX. Capitalism is affected by the planetary crisis. A decline of the economic growth rate will take place as a result of natural limits from 3% to the anticipated 1%, including a decreased productivity of the computer revolution. Mechanisms of the functioning of the world economy will change: reconstruction of energy industry and transport, pressure on recycling of minerals, transformation of the labour market together with the use of robotics and artificial intelligence, the end of consumptionism. The daily issues include the problem of supplementing economic globalization with a political control mechanism and including a new civilizational power, which China is becoming. The latter opt for a multipolar order, where local civilizations will preserve their separate character and where they will be able to create a system of supplying their economies with deficit raw material and outlets but without military bases and without following the USA in recognizing certain areas to be the "zones of vested interests". The world will be different but will it be worse?

he recent years of the Trotskyite movement have seen the intensification of two tendencies. The first one involves a new perception of the radical social demands made by the Trotskyite candidates in local, parliamentary and presidential elections. The other one involves the functional incorporation of a broad range of youth and alternative issues into the Trotskyite movement. Similar elements are also present in the program of the Ukrainian Union 'Struggle', established in 1999. The 'Struggle' shares the opinions on the Bolshevik Revolution of 1917 and the reasons for its failure with all other Trotskyite organizations. It has also developed quite a detailed approach to the issue of Ukrainian independence and the Orange Revolution. In the opinion of Ukrainian Trotskyists V. Yushchenko and V. Yanukovych repre- sented the clans of oligarchs, who had the single aim of destroying the Ukrainian econ- omy by privatizing national property and stealing what the former government did not manage to take away from the nation. The choice was not between Europe and Russia but between American capital waving a European flag and American capital waving a Russian flag. The 'Struggle' assumes though that the Orange Revolution has brought advantages as well: the judiciary is trusted, the nation no longer dreads corrupted bureaucracy and political processes raise social interest. It is doubtful that the nearest future will bring any significant changes in the influence of the Trotskyite movement. It is possible, however, that it will manage to contribute new elements to the growing anti-globalist movement. In terms of the Ukrainian future it may be justifiably assumed that society will become 'disappointed' with the new government. Then, radical groups with clear views, such as Trotskyists, are likely to participate in the government

The article submits to a scientific discussion on the issue of the auction of a dwelling or a plot of land developed with a residential building, serving to satisfy the debtor's housing needs during the SARS-CoV-2 virus epidemic. The key importance should be attached to the new Article 9521 § 5 of the Civil Procedure Code, which states that an auction of a dwelling or a plot of land developed with a residential building, which is to meet the housing needs of the debtor, is not carried out during the state of epidemic threat or epidemic state and 90 days after its end. The new legal solution highlights the general problems with the organization of the work of the courts (related to judicial enforcement proceedings) during the SARS-CoV-2 virus epidemic and the division of duties between the district court and the court bailiff. The presented considerations postulate the introduction of innovative solutions applicable not only in the state of epidemics. Firstly, an introduction, through legislative intervention, of an electronic auction in the course of enforcement of real estate, following the example of an electronic auction of movable property. Secondly, breaking the rule according to which the auction of real estate requires direct supervision by a judge (court clerk). The article takes into account the legal status as of 1 January 2021. ; W niniejszym artykule poddano pod naukową dyskusję problematykę licytacji lokalu mieszkalnego lub nieruchomości gruntowej zabudowanej budynkiem mieszkalnym służących zaspokojeniu potrzeb mieszkaniowych dłużnika w czasie epidemii wirusa SARS-CoV-2. Kluczowe znaczenie należy przypisać nowemu art. 9521 § 5 Kodeksu postępowania cywilnego, według którego licytacji lokalu mieszkalnego lub nieruchomości gruntowej zabudowanej budynkiem mieszkalnym, które służą zaspokojeniu potrzeb mieszkaniowych dłużnika, nie przeprowadza się w czasie obowiązywania stanu zagrożenia epidemicznego lub stanu epidemii oraz 90 dni po jego zakończeniu. Nowe rozwiązanie prawne zwraca uwagę na podstawowe ...

The book is an attempt to systematize the understanding of processes, which have been occurring in the past decades in four Central European states – Czech Republic, Poland, Slovakia, and Hungary. The monograph has been divided into four chapters, encompassing selected issues related to the functioning of political systems of Visegrad Group states from the onset of political, economical and social transformations, which transpired after 1989. Chapter one examines theoretical, historical, and methodological problems related to circumstances of transformation processes in the selected Central European states and their further evolution. It also indicates at common and distinctive characteristics of Central European states, taking into account political-scientific and historical perspectives. The second chapter is devoted to the issue of the functioning of government entities within governmental systems of selected states. The political analysis has been divided into periods of functioning as socialist and democratic states. The next chapter indicates the changes that occurred on political scenes of the designated states in the period from before the democratic transformation until the present day. The analysis is conducted through the prism of maturing of political parties and their influence on public affairs. The fourth chapter analyzes the issues of foreign policy of Central European states, describing the creation of the Visegrad Triangle (and later – the Visegrad Group) as a forum of political and economical cooperation of three (and later – four) states in the context of integration with NATO and European Communities (and later – European Union). This publication exhibits Central Europe in terms of political science, regime, and history. The comparative property of the book, resulting from such perspective, can constitute a source for a general European analysis, as well as a more detailed case study of each of the four states described herein.