Suchergebnisse

¿Cómo medir la proporcionalidad de los sistemas de representación proporcional (RP)? Esta cuestión se ha confundido con la de los denominados «umbrales de representación». En el artículo se repasa la historia del descubrimiento de los umbrales por parte de la Ciencia Política, intentando aclarar el fundamento conceptual de los mismos y las confusiones que los rodean. A continuación se desecha su uso como medida de proporcionalidad de los sistemas electorales y se propone para ello la idea de finura (medida por Droop). Por último, las posibles aportaciones conceptuales se recogen en una propuesta terminológica. ; How can the proportionality of proportional representation (PR) systems be measured? This question has been confused with the question of the so-called «thresholds of representation». This article reviews the history of the discovery of thresholds by political science, attempting to clarify their conceptual foundation and the misapprehensions surrounding them. Their valid use as an electoral system proportionality measure is ruled out, and the notion of thinness (measured by Droop) is proposed for replacing them. The article concludes with possible conceptual contributions that are brought together in a terminological proposal.

ResumenEl trabajo tiene por objeto analizar cómo el régimen chavista ha articulado una estrategia dirigida a debilitarla representación proporcional de las minorías. La investigación toma como antecedentes las eleccionesde la Asamblea Nacional Constituyente de 1999 y las elecciones parlamentarias de 2005, paraposteriormente analizar en profundidad las elecciones parlamentarias de 2010, realizadas en el marcode una nueva ley electoral, que consagra el sistema mixto mayoritario o segmentado (Nohlen, 2007) y legaliza irregularidades que afectan la expresión legítima de la voluntad popular como el gerrymanderingy el malapportionement. La conclusión del trabajo es terminante: La paulatina sustitucióndel principio de representación proporcional por un sistema mixto mayoritario o segmentado en laelección de los cuerpos deliberantes, obedece a una estratagema gubernamental destinada a consolidarun proyecto personalista, enmarcado dentro de lo que Schedler (2004) denomina "autoritarismoelectoral", siendo este un tipo de régimen en el cual los gobiernos autoritarios permiten la realizaciónde elecciones "controladas" para no arriesgarse a perder el poder.Weakening the Venezuelan proportional representation system: Two coins of the same tokenAbstractThe work aims to analyze how Chavez´s regime has been articulating a strategy aimed at weakeningthe proportional representation of minorities. In this research, I take as background the elections for the Constituent National Assembly of 1999 and the parliamentary elections of 2005, to then analyze in depththe parliamentary elections of 2010, carried out within the framework of a new electoral law, whichsets forth the majority or segmented mixed system (Nohlen, 2007) and legalizes irregularities affectingthe legitimate expression of the will of the people such as "gerrymandering" and "malapportionment."The conclusion of this work is unequivocal: the gradual substitution of the principle of proportional representation for a majority or segmented mixed system regarding the election of deliberative bodiesis due to a Government ploy aimed at consolidating a personalist project, framed within what Schedler (2004) calls "electoral authoritarianism", and this is an authoritarian regime intending to "fix elections"not to risk losing power.

El artículo parte de la consideración de que la Ciencia Política no ha resuelto satisfactoriamente la cuestión de la medición de la desproporcionalidad. A partir de tal impresión, se pasa revista a las diferentes alternativas presentadas, se defiende la pertinencia del índice más sencillo e intuitivo de todos y se critica cierto abuso vacío y contraproducente de las ciencias matemáticas ; This article is based on the assumption that political science has never satisfactory resolved the question of how disproportionality should be measured. Different alternatives are reviewed, the use of the simplest and most intuitive index of all is proposed, and a certain empty and counterproductive abuse of mathematical science is criticized

Democracy comes as the ideal regime of popular representation, thus the legislature is constituted as a suitable mechanism to reflect the popular will. Therefore, since this is a multi-person power, it allows the representation of minority power groups through debate and discussion, in which various social interests are reflected. However, in the presence of an absolute majority in the Assembly, the possibility of discussion is reduced and generates the inability of parliamentary minorities to be effectively represented. In this sense, it is important to question until what extent the legislature fulfills its primary function of popular representation, when there exists an absolute majority in the Assembly. To answer this question, first it will be discussed the nature of the legislative function within a democratic system; then the existence of a link between the system of proportional representation and the results obtained; and finally it will be study the consequences of the presence of an absolute majority in the representativeness of the Assembly. ; La democracia se presenta como el régimen de representación popular por excelencia, constituyéndose de este modo el órgano Legislativo como un mecanismo idóneo para plasmar la voluntad popular; de suerte que la Asamblea Nacional logre perfilarse como un espacio de debate y discusión, en el cual diversos intereses sociales se encuentren plasmados. Sin embargo, para alcanzar dicha representación total, resulta indispensable que en este órgano se vean reflejados los intereses de los distintos grupos sociales, ya sean estos mayoritarios o no. No obstante, ante la presencia de una mayoría calificada en el Legislativo, la posibilidad de debate se ve reducida y aquello genera la imposibilidad de que las minorías parlamentarias sean efectivamente representadas. Es indudable que en la realidad nacional el asunto de la efectiva representatividad en el Legislativo se configura como un inconveniente de suprema importancia. Por lo tanto, conviene cuestionarnos, ¿hasta qué punto el poder Legislativo cumple su primordial función de órgano de representación popular ante la existencia de una mayoría absoluta en la Asamblea Nacional? Para responder a aquella interrogante, se analizará en primer lugar la naturaleza de la función legislativa dentro de un sistema democrático; posteriormente se examinará si es plausible atribuir a la instauración del método D'Hondt responsabilidad por los resultados obtenidos en la atribución de escaños en la última elección legislativa nacional, para finalmente estudiar las consecuencias de la presencia de una mayoría absoluta dentro de la representatividad del poder Legislativo.

La democracia representativa mexicana funcionaría mejor con un sistema proporcional puro. La transición a la democracia, que va de 1977 al año 2000, se logró que México por la vía de los votos y gracias, en buena medida, a que los partidos de oposición encontraron un foro institucional con la legalización de los diputados de partido en 1977. La representación proporcional permitió que los partidos se fortalecieran y le arrebataran al poder político el monopolio de la representación. Es relativamente clara la adscripción de este ensayo al enfoque neoinstitucional, el cual confía en las reglas como condicionantes del juego electoral, y en los actores como encargados de aplicarlas incidiendo en su fortalecimiento y, eventualmente, en su reforma. La idea, como sugiere Robert Putnam, consiste en descubrir si "las instituciones formales influyen en la práctica de la política y el gobierno" y si tras reformarlas seguirá su práctica.

In the city of Ushuaia there were several intents to change or to eliminate the method of preferences for the legislators in order to guarantee gender equality among the representatives. It has been said that, erasing this method or changing it would be a good measure in order to concrete gender equality in the legislature. We aim to present here an historical evolution of the voting system to see if it is true or if, on the contrary, due to other causes, there should be other issues to think about. ; Los intentos de modificar o eliminar el método de preferencias para los concejales de la Ciudad de Ushuaia a fin de garantizar la paridad de géneros en la representación produjeron un debate que debe atenderse. Se postuló que, suprimiendo ese método o incluso modificándolo para que respete la igualdad de géneros en el actual contexto de régimen electoral se garantizará la paridad de género en ese órgano legislativo municipal. Un estudio de la evolución de su sistema electoral nos dirá si ello resulta factible o si por el contrario otras variables -especialmente la magnitud del distrito o la modificación del umbral electoral- deben ser tenidas en cuenta para aspirar al cumplimiento de ese objetivo. ; As tentativas de modificar ou eliminar o método de preferências dos conselheiros da cidade de Ushuaia, a fim de garantir a paridade de gênero na representação, produziram um debate que deve ser tratado. Postulou-se que, ao eliminar este método ou mesmo modificá-lo para que respeite a igualdade de gênero no atual contexto do regime eleitoral, a paridade de gênero será garantida neste órgão legislativo municipal. Um estudo da evolução de seu sistema eleitoral nos dirá se isso é viável ou se, por outro lado, outras variáveis - especialmente a magnitude do distrito ou a modificação do limiar eleitoral - devem ser levadas em consideração para aspirar à realização desse objetivo.

ResumenEl objeto de las presentes consideraciones es mostrarla forma cómo el principio de la representación proporcional, también llamado de la representaciónproporcional de las minorías, se incorpora a nuestro ordenamiento legal y constitucional para determinarla composición de los órganos deliberantes del sector público –con especial referencia a la elección delos integrantes de la Cámara de Diputados y de la Asamblea Nacional, según el caso; cómo ese principio llegó a convertirse en una norma fundamental en el funcionamiento del sistema político; la manera como se interpretó el principio para perfeccionar la proporcionalidad de la representación partidista, para concluir con las tendencias recientes hacia la progresiva pérdida de su importancia, sobre todo a partir de la vigencia de la Constitución de 1999, en la que, paradójicamente, se le consagra en forma reiterada, como nunca se había hecho antes.The rise and fall of the proportional representation principle in Venezuelan electoral lawAbstractThe purpose of these considerations is to convey how the proportional representation principle, also known as the proportional representation of minorities, is set forth in our legal and constitutional provisions to determine the composition of deliberating bodies of the public sector, specifically with regards to election of members of the Chamber of Representatives and of the National Assembly, as the case may be; how this principle became a fundamental standard in our political system; andhow this principle was interpreted to enhance the proportionality of party representation. This essay concludes with an analysis of current trends denoting its progressive loss of importance, especially after the enactment of the Constitution of 1999, which oddly enough repeatedly makes reference to this principle like never before.

This paper describes the electoral systems of Ireland, Switzerland and Portugal. These three countries, like Spain, share the use of low magnitude constituencies within the framework of a proportional electoral system. However, each uses a different ballot structure, a circumstance that helps to understand the relevance of this element in the functioning of electoral systems. The analysis of the legal framework, its evolution and political performance offers us valuable information on different electoral models which can serve as a reference to assess some problematic aspects of the Spanish electoral system. ; Este trabajo describe los sistemas electorales de Irlanda, Suiza y Portugal. Estos tres países, al igual que España, comparten la utilización de circunscripciones reducidas en el marco de un sistema electoral proporcional. Sin embargo, cada uno emplea una modalidad de voto diferente, circunstancia que ayuda a comprender la importancia de este elemento en el funcionamiento de los sistemas electorales. El análisis del marco legal, su evolución y los rendimientos políticos nos ofrece una valiosa información sobre modelos electorales distintos que pueden servir de referencia para valorar algunos aspectos problemáticos del sistema electoral español.This paper describes the electoral systems of Ireland, Switzerland and Portugal. These three countries, like Spain, share the use of low magnitude constituencies within the framework of a proportional electoral system. However, each uses a different ballot structure, a circumstance that helps to understand the relevance of this element in the functioning of electoral systems. The analysis of the legal framework, its evolution and political performance offers us valuable information on different electoral models which can serve as a reference to assess some problematic aspects of the Spanish electoral system.

Facultad de Derecho y Ciencias Sociales. Maestría en Derecho ; Throughout the democratic history of Mexico, various events have shaped both society and its government and institutions. Presidentialism, the years of the hegemonic party, the arrival of reforms in electoral matters and the triumph of the opposition to give way to alternation, are examples of the most relevant changes or moments. Along the same lines, the regulatory framework that structures state powers has been influenced for its evolution in particular by social movements and crisis of legitimacy that, by 1977, forced the political system to adopt the mixed electoral system, by which gave life to lawmakers of proportional representation, in the integration of legislative power. The arrival of proportional representation, provided greater legislative plurality and represented a support for the opposition. However, over time the political forces that enjoy democratic openness, within the Mexican multi-party system, have rethink the existence of the representation itself proportional. The contribution of this thesis is precisely in the analysis of the divergent and common elements that have motivated legislative initiatives, to modify the number of proportional representation legislators, in the period from 2013 to 2017 in the congresses of the states of Michoacán, Jalisco, Guanajuato and Colima; area called bajío - occidente. Thus, the reader is offered a contrasting picture of both the content, authors and context in which these initiatives were presented. ; A través de la historia democrática de México, diversos hechos han moldeado tanto a la sociedad como a su gobierno e instituciones. El presidencialismo, los años del partido hegemónico, la llegada de las reformas en materia electoral y el triunfo de la oposición para dar paso a la alternancia, son ejemplo de los cambios o momentos más relevantes. En esa misma línea, el marco normativo que estructura los poderes estatales, ha sido influenciado para su evolución en particular por movimientos ...

The Mexican Chamber of Deputies is composed of 500 representatives: 300 of them elected by relative majority and another 200 ones elected through proportional representation in five electoral clusters (constituencies) with 40 representatives each. In this mixed-member electoral system, the seats distribution of proportional representation is not independent of the election by relative majority, as it attempts to correct representation imbalances produced in single-member districts. This two-fold structure has been maintained in the successive electoral reforms carried out along the last three decades (eight from 1986 to 2014). In all of them, the election process of 200 seats becomes complex: Formulas in the Law are difficult to understand and to be interpreted. This paper analyzes the Mexican electoral system after the electoral reform of 2014, which was applied for the first time in 2015. The research focuses on contradictions and issues of applicability, in particular situations where seats allocation is affected by ambiguity in the law and where asymmetrical treatment of political parties arises. Due to these facts, a proposal of electoral reform will be presented. It is intended to be simpler, clearer, and more enduring than the current system. Furthermore, this model is more suitable for producing electoral outcomes free of contradictions and paradoxes. This approach would allow a fair treatment of political parties and as a result an improved opportunity to exercise democracy.

Economists and Political scientists have suggested for a long time that democracy and the environment are linked. What they did not analyze in detail is ifthe way in which politicians are elected influences the environment as well. Thescope of this paper is to fill this gap. Using high quality data on a cross section of countries, coming from previous studies, we find strong results suggestingthat politicians in majoritarian systems are less interested in environmental commitments than those in proportional representations. The consequence is thatenvironmental commitments are lower in the former system than in the latter.

This document presents a revision of the process that has permitted to establish in Mexico the equality in the candidacies for the relative majority principles and proportional representation to the House of Representatives, the Senate of the Republic and local congresses, and it analyses the phenomenon of political violence that some candidacies suffered during the elections on July 20th, 2015, in Chiapas. ; En este trabajo se presenta una revisión del proceso que ha permitido establecer en México la paridad en las candidaturas por los principios de mayoría relativa y representación proporcional a la Cámara de Diputados, al Senado de la República y a los congresos locales, y se examina el fenómeno de la violencia política que sufrieron algunas candidatas en las elecciones en Chiapas el 20 de julio de 2015.

Apportionment laws have both mathematical and political components framed by law. In order to conduct an appropriate analysis, it is necessary to examine how apportionment laws are negotiated, passed and turned into legally binding documents. The reason for choosing the United States of America's current apportionment legislation as the object of this study, is due to the fact that in the process of discussion and passing of said legislation we can observe a great dichotomy between mathematics and politics. While the aim of mathematics is to find the most equitable form of seat apportionment, the political justification for choosing this or another solution will be simply based on furthering political interest. Additionally, in this particular case, the legislative processes are mirrored by academic discussions on the subject matter, that influence the decision-making process. This inquiry also focuses on how constitutional techniques can interfere in the proportional representation system, thus producing an inherent bias in the applied method of apportionment, whichever this may be. These findings can be extrapolated to any modern democracy. ; Las leyes electorales tienen un contenido matemático y político delimitado por el derecho, y para su correcto análisis es necesario examinar cómo se llega a la aprobación de dicha legislación. Para ello, se ha seleccionado la legislación electoral vigente en los Estados Unidos de América como objeto de este estudio, puesto que, en su tramitación parlamentaria, y en el caso que nos concierne, también académica, puede observarse una gran dicotomía entre argumentos matemáticos sobre el reparto más equitativo de escaños, contra explicaciones políticas que justifican la aplicación de otras alternativas para el beneficio de intereses partidistas que, de un modo u otro, forman parte de toda ley electoral. También este estudio se fija en cómo la aplicación de técnicas constitucionales extrapolables a la mayoría de las democracias modernas, con independencia del método de prorrateo escogido para el reparto de escaños de su cámara, suponen una injerencia de la representación igualitaria en la representación proporcional, y por ende producen un sesgo en el método de prorrateo aplicable.

The Suarez Government didn't negotiate with the democratic opposition, but attended its wish that the Ley para la Reforma Política of 1977 will establish a proportional system for the election of the Constituent Parliament (the Consejo Nacional del Movimiento reported against this system). So, the Government adopted this system for the Congress, with some counterweights, but not for the Senate. The Decree Law of 18th March 1977 introduced closed and blocked list for Congress. The later constitutionalization of the electoral system was inspired by the balances of the Ley para la Reforma Política. Finally, the Parliamentary Rules, which are «groupcratic», have contributed to consolidate parties of employees, radically confronted, which form governments with the support of nationalisms. ; El Gobierno Suarez, sin negociar con la oposición democrática, si escuchó su aspiración a que la Ley para la Reforma Política previese unas Cortes constituyentes elegidas por representación proporcional (sobre la que informó en contra el Consejo Nacional del Movimiento), lo que asumió para el Congreso, con diversos contrapesos, pero no para el Senado. Incluyendo en el Decreto Ley del 18 de marzo de 1977 las listas cerradas y bloqueadas para el Congreso. Una constitucionalización de nuestro sistema electoral inspirada en los equilibrios de la Ley para la Reforma Política. Unos reglamentos parlamentarios grupocráticos que contribuyen a consolidar partidos de empleados, radicalmente confrontados, lo que hace formar gobiernos con apoyo de los nacionalismos.The Suarez Government didn't negotiate with the democratic opposition, but attended its wish that the Ley para la Reforma Política of 1977 will establish a proportional system for the election of the Constituent Parliament (the Consejo Nacional del Movimiento reported against this system). So, the Government adopted this system for the Congress, with some counterweights, but not for the Senate. The Decree Law of 18th March 1977 introduced closed and blocked list for Congress. The later constitutionalization of the electoral system was inspired by the balances of the Ley para la Reforma Política. Finally, the Parliamentary Rules, which are «groupcratic», have contributed to consolidate parties of employees, radically confronted, which form governments with the support of nationalisms.

The principle of equality of achievement of the vote as idée fixe in the Federal Constitutional Court of July 3, 2008 The Federal Constitutional Court (FCC) has once again had to deal with the electoral system for the German Bundestag (Federal Parliament). This time, two electoral review complaints were filed that considered the principles of equality and immediacy to be injured in the paradoxical effects of the surplus seats in the system of personalized proportional representation. ; El principio de igualdad de logro del voto como idée fixe en Tribunal Constitucional Federal del 3 de julio de 2008 El Tribunal Constitucional Federal (TCF) ha tenido que ocuparse una vez más del sistema electoral para el Bundestag alemán (Parlamento Federal). Esta vez se presentaron dos quejas de revisión electoral que consideraban lesionados los principios de igualdad e inmediatez en los efectos paradójicos de los escaños excedentes en el sistema de la representación proporcional personalizada.