Suchergebnisse

In recent times, international and national media have been full of stories about protest movements and tumultuous social upheaval from Tunisia to California. But scholars have not yet fully addressed the connection between these movements and the media and communication channels through which their messages spread. Correcting that imbalance, Mediation and Protest Movements explores the nature of the relationship between protest movements, media representation, and communication strategies and tactics. By covering online and offline contexts, as well as mainstream and alternative media, Mediation and Protest Movements bridges the gap between social-movement theory and media and communication studies, making this an important text for students and scholars of the media and social change

Intro -- Half Title -- Endorsements -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Contents -- List of Figures -- Acknowledgments -- Introduction -- Of stories and theory -- Claims and interventions -- The woman in prayer again -- Notes -- 1. Faithful fasting: the Indian independence movement -- India's religious context -- Gandhi's religious formation -- South African religious and political roots -- Violence and nonviolence in political campaigns -- Gandhi's 1924 Hindu-Muslim fast -- The Salt March -- The Dalit fasts -- Fasting through independence and partition -- Political and religious unity through to the end -- Religion as a coercive element of Gandhi's fasts -- Notes -- 2. Invoking violence: the civil rights movement -- Central argument and frame -- First forays into public prayer protest -- Prayer pilgrimage for civil rights -- Breadth of 1957s prayer activity -- Emerging uses of prayer -- From Berkeley to Burgland - prayer protest rising -- The period of piety: 1962-66 -- Violence rising in 1963 -- Activist and status quo prayers in contrast -- 1966: protest prayer ascendant -- Prayer persistent, potent, and descending -- Gender and violence in public protest prayer -- Respectability and freedom through public prayer -- Notes -- 3. Sacred surety: divine mandate and violence in the antiabortion movement -- Early twentieth-century abortion context -- Roe and its aftermath -- Operation Rescue emergent -- Violence and Operation Rescue -- Violence of the 1990s -- Christian Identity's influence -- Sacred surety redux -- Sidewalk confrontations -- Theories of religion and violence -- Sacred surety at work -- Notes -- 4. The Pope and the Black Madonna: ritual, word, and movement in the Polish Solidarity movement -- Introducing the Black Madonna -- The ritual of the Black Madonna pilgrimage -- Arresting the Black Madonna and the aftermath -- A Pope's visit.

Protest mobilization and outcome; Political participation; Emotions and social ties; Deportation nation; Refugees; Pro-migrant protest; Anti-migrant protest

"In politics the thing to do is build yourself an army." The remark is attributed to the late Jimmy Hines, a successful Tammany Hall politician of the 1930's. In June, 1945, half way between the Regina Manifesto and the Winnipeg Declaration, the Co-operative Commonwealth Federation, at the head of the largest army in its history, prepared for the reward of virtue and patience—power in Ottawa and Ontario. The problems of building that army and then maintaining it under the adverse conditions following June, 1945, constitute the theme of this paper.In its first decade the C.C.F. had successfully welded a united, national organization out of a federation of parties and groups along a social-democrat and agrarian-protest spectrum. The absence of a New Deal party gave the "movement," as its members still call it, its opportunity. Its central bond was a common hatred of capitalism, allegedly responsible for the depression and its accompanying hardships. It was, however, less than unanimous about the remedy. The Regina Manifesto of 1933, the party's initial declaration of faith and intentions, was framed in the social democratic tradition. "No CCF government," it concluded, "will rest content until it has eradicated capitalism." But no statement of policy could ever avert the inevitable debate on "how far" and "how fast" socialism should be implemented.The topography of C.C.F. beliefs can be roughly charted by identifying its closest friends and mentors and its ideological boundaries on the "right" and "left." Its chief, though not unanimous, favourites have always been the Labour and Social Democratic parties of the Commonwealth, Scandinavia, and especially Great Britain. Its supporters ranged all the way from people who were made uneasy by talk of socialism despite endless assurances, to those drawn enviously to the glamour of revolutionary intrigue and virile, uncompromising militancy which they associated with Communism and Trotskyism. While these 'left wingers" pressed the leaders constantly to declare themselves on the questions of "how far" and "how fast," the great majority entrusted these matters to the leaders and concentrated instead on building the organization.

This open access book deals with contestations "from below" of legal policies and implementation practices in asylum and deportation. Consequently, it covers three types of mobilization: solidarity protests against the deportation of refused asylum seekers, refugee activism campaigning for residence rights and inclusion, and restrictive protests against the reception of asylum seekers. By applying both a longitudinal analysis of protest events and a series of in-depth case studies in three immigration countries, this edited volume provides comparative insights into these three types of movement in Austria, Germany, and Switzerland over a time span of twenty-five years. Embedded in concepts of political change, limited state sovereignty, and migration control, the findings shed light on actors, repertoires, and the effects of protest activities. The contributions illustrate how local contexts, national political settings, issue specifics, and social ties lead to distinctly different forms of protest emergence, dynamics, and strategies. Additionally, they give a profound understanding of the mechanisms and constellations that contribute to protest success, both in terms of preventing deportations of individuals as well as changing policies. In sum, this book constitutes a major contribution to empirically informed theoretical reflections on collective contestation in the fields of refugee studies and social protest movements.

Protest mobilization and outcome; Political participation; Emotions and social ties; Deportation nation; Refugees; Pro-migrant protest; Anti-migrant protest

This article analyzes the position of the Christian churches on the protests in Belarus in 2020. This study contributes to the research on the state-society relationship in autocratic regimes by nuancing the thesis that civil society is either marginalized or fully co-opted by the authoritarian state. The protest wave showed that the initiatives of religious groups fostered collective action in a state system that is punitive of any dissent. The article identifies churches as an ambivalent space: one where the state can exercise social control, but where potential resistance to the repressive state might also occur since they enjoy a greater degree of freedom than other organizations in authoritarian Belarus. Moreover, our study argues that religion can be seen as a privileged arena of protest within existing legal frameworks of the "contract" between the state and the church. By looking at the societal engagement of different religious confessions campaigning for their rights and promoting their visions of desirable political development on the grassroots level, this article addresses a range of opportunities to engage in civic activism in Belarus.

The year 2008 marked the fortieth anniversary of the great revolts of 1968. As always, the occasion gave rise to impassioned debates. In Germany they were stimulated by the historian and 1968 veteran Götz Aly, who compared the 'sixty-eight' to the 'thirty-three' generations (the Nazi student body of the early 1930s), and postulated 'parallels in German history', continuities and 'similarities in the approach to mobilisation, political utopianism and the anti-bourgeois impulse'. Following the thirtieth anniversary in 1998, which triggered a flood of scholarly publications, we have had ten further years of research into the recent history of the 1960s, up to the fortieth anniversary in 2008. In 1998, the central question was still to remove the 1960s protest movements from the realm of myth and to establish the 'year of protest' (i.e. 1968) itself as a subject for historical research. Since 1998, the aims of international research have been to develop a global comparative analysis of the movements and to contextualise them historically. Particular attention has been devoted to locating political protest movements in the overall process of socio-cultural transformation through the 'long 1960s'.