Suchergebnisse

A discussion of the development of political protest in the Netherlands based on: (1) a study conducted by S. H. Barnes, M. Kaase, et al in 1974 (Political Action. Mass Participation in Five Western Democracies, Beverly Hills: Sage, 1979); (2) a 1979 replication conducted by J. J. A. Thomassen et al (De verstomde revolutie. Politieke opvattingen en gedragingen van Nederlandse burgers na de jaren zestig [The Speechless Revolution. Political Opinions and Behavior of Dutch Citizens after the Sixties], Samson: Alphen a.d. Rijn, 1983); & (3) a 1985 replication survey conducted by the department of political science of the U of Amsterdam. Analysis indicates that the protest potential in the Netherlands has diminished, but that participation has increased; while youth in the 1960s had relatively high protest potential & protest participation, youth of the 1980s appear to be even more active. The questionnaire also examined willingness to demonstrate for (or against) issues classified as socialist, new (immaterialist), or traditional. Although a distinction was expected, the willingness to demonstrate for the socialist & new issues was relatively high, & there were no clear boundaries between the supporters of these groups. It is concluded that much remains to be learned about the manner in which a potential for certain actions develops & is mobilized. 11 Tables, 1 Appendix, 31 References. Modified AA

All major postwar political conflicts that made up the face of Belgian politics were accompanied by massive protests & intensive demonstration waves. Analysis of newspaper coverage & of gendarmerie (police) archives confirms this for the 1990s. The 1990-1997 period is marked by an increasing number of demonstrations & demonstrators. The disappearance of the ideological & cultural-linguistical actions was, on the one hand, made up for by the further rising of other issues (environmental, antiracist, judicial, etc), &, on the other, by the near institutionalization of very classic issues like education or employment, which both secured their place on the street. There is no ground to call the 1990s dull; on the contrary, the number of demonstrations grew steadily &, especially in Flanders, R. Inglehart's (1977) perspective of the Silent Revolution of postmaterialist values took to the streets. The wider acceptance of demonstrations as a means of action, growing political alienation, & greater openness of the political system are presented as plausible explanations. 6 Tables, 3 Figures. Adapted from the source document.

In political participation research it is widely assumed that it is irrelevant on whose behalf a protest action is used, as claimed in A. Marsh's "Exploration in Unorthodox Political Behavior: A Scale to Measure 'Protest Potential"' (European Journal of Political Research, 1974, 2, 107-129). To investigate this claim, interview data were obtained from Dutch adults (N = 34) from 10 cities in 5 provinces on the acceptability of specific political acts, the extent to which they held firm opinions, & the degree to which a specific act would be acceptable in relation to a certain issue. A cursory analysis of data would uphold the commonly held claim; however, closer examination reveals that just over 50% of the responses were made according to the usual expectations. The results indicate that different rules for making decisions are employed not only among different people, but also by the same individual, depending on the issue. 11 Tables, 7 Figures, 3 Graphs, 11 References. Modified HA

Anti-globalist riots in Seattle in 1999 & the global anti-war demonstrations in 2003 not only made their way to the news headlines, but also received renewed academic attention. This article seeks to outline the differences between the traditional social movements & the new social movements. The first part of the article addresses the definition & classification issues of social movements. It also presents a comparison of three theoretical approaches (rational choice, Marxism & social constructivism) towards the phenomenon of social movement. The author concludes, that advocates of all three approaches present certain valuable insights on the causes & effects of this phenomenon. The second chapter of the article outlines presents trends & problems in the research of the social movements. It is argued that researchers of this subject face basically the same problems as all social scientists, first of the problems of comparability & the limits of qualitative methods. On the other it is assessed that new tools of quantitative analysis, information technologies significantly enhance the possibilities of research. By combining different theoretical approaches the author then seeks to outline the criteria of what could be the constitutive elements of the new social movements as opposed to the traditional ones. It is concluded that the new social movements can only exist in the postmodern or post-materialist societies where the questions of physical survival or national liberation are replaced by the questions of quality of life & self-expression. The new movements are also transnational in nature & their goals are usually universal (ecology, peace, rights of animals) rather than national (independence) or individual (employment, salary etc.). The new movements mobilize around collective identity & common values while the traditional movements mobilize around common goals of social or economic changes. The organization mode of the new movements is usually horizontal & the role of the leaders is rather limited while in the case of traditional movements the organization structure is strictly hierarchical & the role of the leader is essential. Finally the new movements are less prone to violence & rely more on the new technologies of communication & information. Building on the criteria outlined in the second part of the article, the final chapter discusses the case of Lithuania. It is concluded that the number & activities of the new social movements in Lithuania are very scarce. The most significant among such movements is the feminist movement, which is indeed rather active, & even have established ties with international feminist network. Traditional movements (in particular farmers, nationalists & neo-nazists, are still abundant in Lithuania. The authors argues that such imbalance between traditional & new movements could be a cause for concern as the number & activity of the new social movements is a good indicator of the maturity of the civil society in a country. The conclusion of the article reiterates the importance to continue the research of the phenomenon of the social movements. The warning of Ortega Y Gaset voiced in 1932 about the danger of the masses that have the supreme power in their hands is still relevant. Adapted from the source document.

In analysing the dynamics and mechanisms of mass protest from 1987 to 1988 in Lithuania, this article explores what kind of social ties – strong or weak – are conducive to the mobilisation of collective action in a (post-)totalitarian society. The empirical analysis is based on data collected as part of the 2009-2011 research project 'The Phenomenon of Sąjūdis: Network Analysis of a Civic Movement'. First, the article defines the distinction between strong and weak ties, and highlights the importance of social networks for the mobilisation of collective action. Second, it analyses the micro-structure of Lithuanian society in the Soviet period. Based on the type of network ties, three distinct social arenas are distinguished: underground society, alternative legal society and official society. Finally, the article analyses which of these arenas could be seen as the seedbed of the Sąjūdis movement. Also demonstrated is the distinct role of different kinds of social ties at different stages in the development of the movement.

In analysing the dynamics and mechanisms of mass protest from 1987 to 1988 in Lithuania, this article explores what kind of social ties – strong or weak – are conducive to the mobilisation of collective action in a (post-)totalitarian society. The empirical analysis is based on data collected as part of the 2009-2011 research project 'The Phenomenon of Sąjūdis: Network Analysis of a Civic Movement'. First, the article defines the distinction between strong and weak ties, and highlights the importance of social networks for the mobilisation of collective action. Second, it analyses the micro-structure of Lithuanian society in the Soviet period. Based on the type of network ties, three distinct social arenas are distinguished: underground society, alternative legal society and official society. Finally, the article analyses which of these arenas could be seen as the seedbed of the Sąjūdis movement. Also demonstrated is the distinct role of different kinds of social ties at different stages in the development of the movement.

In analysing the dynamics and mechanisms of mass protest from 1987 to 1988 in Lithuania, this article explores what kind of social ties – strong or weak – are conducive to the mobilisation of collective action in a (post-)totalitarian society. The empirical analysis is based on data collected as part of the 2009-2011 research project 'The Phenomenon of Sąjūdis: Network Analysis of a Civic Movement'. First, the article defines the distinction between strong and weak ties, and highlights the importance of social networks for the mobilisation of collective action. Second, it analyses the micro-structure of Lithuanian society in the Soviet period. Based on the type of network ties, three distinct social arenas are distinguished: underground society, alternative legal society and official society. Finally, the article analyses which of these arenas could be seen as the seedbed of the Sąjūdis movement. Also demonstrated is the distinct role of different kinds of social ties at different stages in the development of the movement.

In analysing the dynamics and mechanisms of mass protest from 1987 to 1988 in Lithuania, this article explores what kind of social ties – strong or weak – are conducive to the mobilisation of collective action in a (post-)totalitarian society. The empirical analysis is based on data collected as part of the 2009-2011 research project 'The Phenomenon of Sąjūdis: Network Analysis of a Civic Movement'. First, the article defines the distinction between strong and weak ties, and highlights the importance of social networks for the mobilisation of collective action. Second, it analyses the micro-structure of Lithuanian society in the Soviet period. Based on the type of network ties, three distinct social arenas are distinguished: underground society, alternative legal society and official society. Finally, the article analyses which of these arenas could be seen as the seedbed of the Sąjūdis movement. Also demonstrated is the distinct role of different kinds of social ties at different stages in the development of the movement.

The term performance - a temporary and active presentation, expression, or act - has a presence in all cultural media and genres, and has repercussions for taking on, experiencing, and enacting an identity as well. Performance reaches beyond theatre, ballet and music to any human behaviour that is constantly performed through personal acts that contradict stereotypes - not just with regard to gender, but equally so with regard to class and ethnicity or race. The theme Gender and Performance focuses upon the performative strength of gender through various media: feminist and political theatre, an online 'private' novel turned radio play, protest movements, internet beauty blogs, dressing and fashion and the performativity of the word slut. Gender and performativity will take the reader to the Netherlands, Austria, Canada, Mexico and the Philippines

During the Soviet occupation, the whole Lithuanian SSR media was regarded as one of the key propaganda tools based on pure ideological content and socialist-communist messages. In such a media setting television played an essential role; together with radio (as in Moscow's example) the latter felt under control of a committee ruled by the Council of Ministers (CM), Central Committee (CC) and Moscow patrons itself. But this situation was about to change when Sąjūdis (Reform Movement of Lithuania) came to public and tried to established its right to uncensored broadcast time via television for its own dissemination of information, which sometimes had a strong political message and was not in favour of ruling regime and party. Sąjūdis had a purpose which was totally new during Lithuanian SSR times since the start of television broadcasts in 1957 – it was uncensored broadcasting time. Based on archive sources, memoirs and press articles, this research focuses on the telecast "Atgimimo banga" as one of the essential informational channels for Sąjūdis. This article tries to disclose its history, influence and conflicts between Sąjūdis and ruling regime, which tried to control and censor telecast's content. Eventually, the sporadic telecast's format had another effect: when in 1989 Sąjūdis became important part of the Lithuanian SSR political system, telecast's popularity came to decline. One of the most popular perestroika time TV programs had some unfulfilled expectations, and, during the time, it made it as one of the most unpopular. The chronological boundaries of this research start at June of 1988, when Sąjūdis was created, and ends in March of 1990, when Lithuania declared its independence from Soviet Union.