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Anti-globalist riots in Seattle in 1999 & the global anti-war demonstrations in 2003 not only made their way to the news headlines, but also received renewed academic attention. This article seeks to outline the differences between the traditional social movements & the new social movements. The first part of the article addresses the definition & classification issues of social movements. It also presents a comparison of three theoretical approaches (rational choice, Marxism & social constructivism) towards the phenomenon of social movement. The author concludes, that advocates of all three approaches present certain valuable insights on the causes & effects of this phenomenon. The second chapter of the article outlines presents trends & problems in the research of the social movements. It is argued that researchers of this subject face basically the same problems as all social scientists, first of the problems of comparability & the limits of qualitative methods. On the other it is assessed that new tools of quantitative analysis, information technologies significantly enhance the possibilities of research. By combining different theoretical approaches the author then seeks to outline the criteria of what could be the constitutive elements of the new social movements as opposed to the traditional ones. It is concluded that the new social movements can only exist in the postmodern or post-materialist societies where the questions of physical survival or national liberation are replaced by the questions of quality of life & self-expression. The new movements are also transnational in nature & their goals are usually universal (ecology, peace, rights of animals) rather than national (independence) or individual (employment, salary etc.). The new movements mobilize around collective identity & common values while the traditional movements mobilize around common goals of social or economic changes. The organization mode of the new movements is usually horizontal & the role of the leaders is rather limited while in the case of traditional movements the organization structure is strictly hierarchical & the role of the leader is essential. Finally the new movements are less prone to violence & rely more on the new technologies of communication & information. Building on the criteria outlined in the second part of the article, the final chapter discusses the case of Lithuania. It is concluded that the number & activities of the new social movements in Lithuania are very scarce. The most significant among such movements is the feminist movement, which is indeed rather active, & even have established ties with international feminist network. Traditional movements (in particular farmers, nationalists & neo-nazists, are still abundant in Lithuania. The authors argues that such imbalance between traditional & new movements could be a cause for concern as the number & activity of the new social movements is a good indicator of the maturity of the civil society in a country. The conclusion of the article reiterates the importance to continue the research of the phenomenon of the social movements. The warning of Ortega Y Gaset voiced in 1932 about the danger of the masses that have the supreme power in their hands is still relevant. Adapted from the source document.

Les protestes socials esdevingudes en nombrosos països durant els últims tres anys –des de Tunísia i l'anomenada "Primavera àrab" fins a les recents mobilitzacions a Turquia o Brasil– han fet aflorar un debat sobre la possible dimensió global i transestatal de totes elles. El present article pretén realitzar una aproximació descriptiva i analítica a aquest intens cicle de protestes, reflexionant sobre les diferències i similituds existents entre elles, el paper que Internet i les xarxes socials han tingut en el curs de les diferents mobilitzacions o, entre altres aspectes, el repertori d'accions que han emprat. Més enllà d'aquests trets compartits o no, l'article mira d'emfasitzar la importància d'entendre aquest cicle de mobilitzacions com un procés de repolitització social que combina les contradiccions i conflictes locals de cada context en particular amb l'aparent existència d'una demanda global per major democratització política, regeneració institucional, justícia social i reapropiació d'allò comú. ; The social protests that have take place in many countries over the past three years - from Tunisia and the so-called Arab Spring to the recent protests in Turkey and Brazil - have given rise to a debate about the possible global and transnational dimension they may have. This paper sets out to develop a descriptive and analytical approach to this intense cycle of protests, reflecting on the differences and similarities between all of them, the role that the Internet and social networks have had in the course of the different demonstrations and, among other things, the repertoire of actions that have been used. Beyond these shared traits, the paper seeks to emphasize the importance of understanding this cycle of mobilization as a social re-politicization process that combines local contradictions and conflicts of each particular context with the apparent existence of a global demand for greater political democratization, institutional regeneration, social justice and reappropriation of the common. ; Las protestas sociales acaecidas en numerosos países durante los últimos tres años –desde Túnez y la llamada "Primavera árabe" hasta las recientes movilizaciones en Turquía o Brasil– han hecho aflorar un debate sobre la posible dimensión global y transestatal de todas ellas. El presente artículo pretende realizar una aproximación descriptiva y analítica a este intenso ciclo de protestas, reflexionando sobre las diferencias y similitudes existentes entre todas ellas, el papel que Internet y las redes sociales han tenido en el curso de las diferentes movilizaciones o, entre otros aspectos, el repertorio de acciones que han utilizado. Más allá de estos rasgos compartidos o no, el artículo trata de enfatizar la importancia de entender este ciclo de movilizaciones como un proceso de repolitización social que combina las contradicciones y conflictos locales de cada contexto en particular con la aparente existencia de una demanda global por mayor democratización política, regeneración institucional, justicia social y reapropiación de lo común.

La relació entre els nous moviments socials, especialment els que estan ubicats al Sud Global, i els seus mitjans en línia sovint ha estat objecte d'estudi en termes d'apoderament gràcies a un abast global acabat d'aconseguir i les subsegüents capacitats de xarxes esteses més enllà de la localitat. Però l'anàlisi de la relació entre internet i els moviments socials dins de societats caracteritzades per la bretxa digital, producte de condicions socials, econòmiques i polítiques desiguals, és menys freqüent. En aquest article analitzo les tensions entre les formes locals, nacionals i globals de participació civil en els mitjans en línia produïts per un nou moviment social que s'oposava a la instal·lació de dues grans fàbriques de paper a la frontera entre l'Argentina i l'Uruguai. L'anàlisi mostra que la relació entre aquest moviment i les seves pràctiques mediàtiques en línia se serveix de formes "glocals" de participació cívica amb impacte d'apoderament dins de la localitat. ; The relationship between new social movements, especially those located in the global South, and their online media has often been discussed in terms of empowerment via a newly achieved global reach and subsequent extended networking capabilities beyond the locality. Less frequent is the analysis of the relationship between internet and social movements within societies characterized by a digital divide, product of unequal social, economic and political conditions. In this paper I explore the tensions between local, national and global forms of civil engagement in the online media produced by a new social movement opposed to the installation of two mega paper mills on the border between Argentina and Uruguay. The analysis shows that the relationship between this movement and its online media practices draws on "glocal" forms of civic engagement with empowering impact within the locality. ; La relación entre los nuevos movimientos sociales, especialmente los que están ubicados en el Sur Global, y sus medios en línea a menudo ha sido objeto de estudio en términos de empoderamiento gracias a un alcance global acabado de conseguir y las subsiguientes capacidades de redes extendidas más allá de la localidad. Pero el análisis de la relación entre internet y los movimientos sociales dentro de sociedades caracterizadas por la brecha digital, producto de condiciones sociales, económicas y políticas desiguales, es menos frecuente. En este artículo analizo las tensiones entre las formas locales, nacionales y globales de participación civil en los medios en línea producidos por un nuevo movimiento social que se oponía a la instalación de dos grandes fábricas de papel en la frontera entre Argentina y Uruguay. El análisis muestra que la relación entre este movimiento y sus prácticas mediáticas en línea se sirve de formas "glocales" de participación cívica con impacto de empoderamiento dentro de la localidad.

La relació entre els nous moviments socials, especialment els que estan ubicats al Sud Global, i els seus mitjans en línia sovint ha estat objecte d'estudi en termes d'apoderament gràcies a un abast global acabat d'aconseguir i les subsegüents capacitats de xarxes esteses més enllà de la localitat. Però l'anàlisi de la relació entre internet i els moviments socials dins de societats caracteritzades per la bretxa digital, producte de condicions socials, econòmiques i polítiques desiguals, és menys freqüent. En aquest article analitzo les tensions entre les formes locals, nacionals i globals de participació civil en els mitjans en línia produïts per un nou moviment social que s'oposava a la instal·lació de dues grans fàbriques de paper a la frontera entre l'Argentina i l'Uruguai. L'anàlisi mostra que la relació entre aquest moviment i les seves pràctiques mediàtiques en línia se serveix de formes "glocals" de participació cívica amb impacte d'apoderament dins de la localitat. ; The relationship between new social movements, especially those located in the global South, and their online media has often been discussed in terms of empowerment via a newly achieved global reach and subsequent extended networking capabilities beyond the locality. Less frequent is the analysis of the relationship between internet and social movements within societies characterized by a digital divide, product of unequal social, economic and political conditions. In this paper I explore the tensions between local, national and global forms of civil engagement in the online media produced by a new social movement opposed to the installation of two mega paper mills on the border between Argentina and Uruguay. The analysis shows that the relationship between this movement and its online media practices draws on "glocal" forms of civic engagement with empowering impact within the locality. ; La relación entre los nuevos movimientos sociales, especialmente los que están ubicados en el Sur Global, y sus medios en línea a menudo ha sido objeto de estudio en términos de empoderamiento gracias a un alcance global acabado de conseguir y las subsiguientes capacidades de redes extendidas más allá de la localidad. Pero el análisis de la relación entre internet y los movimientos sociales dentro de sociedades caracterizadas por la brecha digital, producto de condiciones sociales, económicas y políticas desiguales, es menos frecuente. En este artículo analizo las tensiones entre las formas locales, nacionales y globales de participación civil en los medios en línea producidos por un nuevo movimiento social que se oponía a la instalación de dos grandes fábricas de papel en la frontera entre Argentina y Uruguay. El análisis muestra que la relación entre este movimiento y sus prácticas mediáticas en línea se sirve de formas "glocales" de participación cívica con impacto de empoderamiento dentro de la localidad.

In analysing the dynamics and mechanisms of mass protest from 1987 to 1988 in Lithuania, this article explores what kind of social ties – strong or weak – are conducive to the mobilisation of collective action in a (post-)totalitarian society. The empirical analysis is based on data collected as part of the 2009-2011 research project 'The Phenomenon of Sąjūdis: Network Analysis of a Civic Movement'. First, the article defines the distinction between strong and weak ties, and highlights the importance of social networks for the mobilisation of collective action. Second, it analyses the micro-structure of Lithuanian society in the Soviet period. Based on the type of network ties, three distinct social arenas are distinguished: underground society, alternative legal society and official society. Finally, the article analyses which of these arenas could be seen as the seedbed of the Sąjūdis movement. Also demonstrated is the distinct role of different kinds of social ties at different stages in the development of the movement.

In analysing the dynamics and mechanisms of mass protest from 1987 to 1988 in Lithuania, this article explores what kind of social ties – strong or weak – are conducive to the mobilisation of collective action in a (post-)totalitarian society. The empirical analysis is based on data collected as part of the 2009-2011 research project 'The Phenomenon of Sąjūdis: Network Analysis of a Civic Movement'. First, the article defines the distinction between strong and weak ties, and highlights the importance of social networks for the mobilisation of collective action. Second, it analyses the micro-structure of Lithuanian society in the Soviet period. Based on the type of network ties, three distinct social arenas are distinguished: underground society, alternative legal society and official society. Finally, the article analyses which of these arenas could be seen as the seedbed of the Sąjūdis movement. Also demonstrated is the distinct role of different kinds of social ties at different stages in the development of the movement.

In analysing the dynamics and mechanisms of mass protest from 1987 to 1988 in Lithuania, this article explores what kind of social ties – strong or weak – are conducive to the mobilisation of collective action in a (post-)totalitarian society. The empirical analysis is based on data collected as part of the 2009-2011 research project 'The Phenomenon of Sąjūdis: Network Analysis of a Civic Movement'. First, the article defines the distinction between strong and weak ties, and highlights the importance of social networks for the mobilisation of collective action. Second, it analyses the micro-structure of Lithuanian society in the Soviet period. Based on the type of network ties, three distinct social arenas are distinguished: underground society, alternative legal society and official society. Finally, the article analyses which of these arenas could be seen as the seedbed of the Sąjūdis movement. Also demonstrated is the distinct role of different kinds of social ties at different stages in the development of the movement.

In analysing the dynamics and mechanisms of mass protest from 1987 to 1988 in Lithuania, this article explores what kind of social ties – strong or weak – are conducive to the mobilisation of collective action in a (post-)totalitarian society. The empirical analysis is based on data collected as part of the 2009-2011 research project 'The Phenomenon of Sąjūdis: Network Analysis of a Civic Movement'. First, the article defines the distinction between strong and weak ties, and highlights the importance of social networks for the mobilisation of collective action. Second, it analyses the micro-structure of Lithuanian society in the Soviet period. Based on the type of network ties, three distinct social arenas are distinguished: underground society, alternative legal society and official society. Finally, the article analyses which of these arenas could be seen as the seedbed of the Sąjūdis movement. Also demonstrated is the distinct role of different kinds of social ties at different stages in the development of the movement.

During the Soviet occupation, the whole Lithuanian SSR media was regarded as one of the key propaganda tools based on pure ideological content and socialist-communist messages. In such a media setting television played an essential role; together with radio (as in Moscow's example) the latter felt under control of a committee ruled by the Council of Ministers (CM), Central Committee (CC) and Moscow patrons itself. But this situation was about to change when Sąjūdis (Reform Movement of Lithuania) came to public and tried to established its right to uncensored broadcast time via television for its own dissemination of information, which sometimes had a strong political message and was not in favour of ruling regime and party. Sąjūdis had a purpose which was totally new during Lithuanian SSR times since the start of television broadcasts in 1957 – it was uncensored broadcasting time. Based on archive sources, memoirs and press articles, this research focuses on the telecast "Atgimimo banga" as one of the essential informational channels for Sąjūdis. This article tries to disclose its history, influence and conflicts between Sąjūdis and ruling regime, which tried to control and censor telecast's content. Eventually, the sporadic telecast's format had another effect: when in 1989 Sąjūdis became important part of the Lithuanian SSR political system, telecast's popularity came to decline. One of the most popular perestroika time TV programs had some unfulfilled expectations, and, during the time, it made it as one of the most unpopular. The chronological boundaries of this research start at June of 1988, when Sąjūdis was created, and ends in March of 1990, when Lithuania declared its independence from Soviet Union.

During the Soviet occupation, the whole Lithuanian SSR media was regarded as one of the key propaganda tools based on pure ideological content and socialist-communist messages. In such a media setting television played an essential role; together with radio (as in Moscow's example) the latter felt under control of a committee ruled by the Council of Ministers (CM), Central Committee (CC) and Moscow patrons itself. But this situation was about to change when Sąjūdis (Reform Movement of Lithuania) came to public and tried to established its right to uncensored broadcast time via television for its own dissemination of information, which sometimes had a strong political message and was not in favour of ruling regime and party. Sąjūdis had a purpose which was totally new during Lithuanian SSR times since the start of television broadcasts in 1957 – it was uncensored broadcasting time. Based on archive sources, memoirs and press articles, this research focuses on the telecast "Atgimimo banga" as one of the essential informational channels for Sąjūdis. This article tries to disclose its history, influence and conflicts between Sąjūdis and ruling regime, which tried to control and censor telecast's content. Eventually, the sporadic telecast's format had another effect: when in 1989 Sąjūdis became important part of the Lithuanian SSR political system, telecast's popularity came to decline. One of the most popular perestroika time TV programs had some unfulfilled expectations, and, during the time, it made it as one of the most unpopular. The chronological boundaries of this research start at June of 1988, when Sąjūdis was created, and ends in March of 1990, when Lithuania declared its independence from Soviet Union.

During the Soviet occupation, the whole Lithuanian SSR media was regarded as one of the key propaganda tools based on pure ideological content and socialist-communist messages. In such a media setting television played an essential role; together with radio (as in Moscow's example) the latter felt under control of a committee ruled by the Council of Ministers (CM), Central Committee (CC) and Moscow patrons itself. But this situation was about to change when Sąjūdis (Reform Movement of Lithuania) came to public and tried to established its right to uncensored broadcast time via television for its own dissemination of information, which sometimes had a strong political message and was not in favour of ruling regime and party. Sąjūdis had a purpose which was totally new during Lithuanian SSR times since the start of television broadcasts in 1957 – it was uncensored broadcasting time. Based on archive sources, memoirs and press articles, this research focuses on the telecast "Atgimimo banga" as one of the essential informational channels for Sąjūdis. This article tries to disclose its history, influence and conflicts between Sąjūdis and ruling regime, which tried to control and censor telecast's content. Eventually, the sporadic telecast's format had another effect: when in 1989 Sąjūdis became important part of the Lithuanian SSR political system, telecast's popularity came to decline. One of the most popular perestroika time TV programs had some unfulfilled expectations, and, during the time, it made it as one of the most unpopular. The chronological boundaries of this research start at June of 1988, when Sąjūdis was created, and ends in March of 1990, when Lithuania declared its independence from Soviet Union.

During the Soviet occupation, the whole Lithuanian SSR media was regarded as one of the key propaganda tools based on pure ideological content and socialist-communist messages. In such a media setting television played an essential role; together with radio (as in Moscow's example) the latter felt under control of a committee ruled by the Council of Ministers (CM), Central Committee (CC) and Moscow patrons itself. But this situation was about to change when Sąjūdis (Reform Movement of Lithuania) came to public and tried to established its right to uncensored broadcast time via television for its own dissemination of information, which sometimes had a strong political message and was not in favour of ruling regime and party. Sąjūdis had a purpose which was totally new during Lithuanian SSR times since the start of television broadcasts in 1957 – it was uncensored broadcasting time. Based on archive sources, memoirs and press articles, this research focuses on the telecast "Atgimimo banga" as one of the essential informational channels for Sąjūdis. This article tries to disclose its history, influence and conflicts between Sąjūdis and ruling regime, which tried to control and censor telecast's content. Eventually, the sporadic telecast's format had another effect: when in 1989 Sąjūdis became important part of the Lithuanian SSR political system, telecast's popularity came to decline. One of the most popular perestroika time TV programs had some unfulfilled expectations, and, during the time, it made it as one of the most unpopular. The chronological boundaries of this research start at June of 1988, when Sąjūdis was created, and ends in March of 1990, when Lithuania declared its independence from Soviet Union.

How do emotions contribute to mobilizing the international community to join massive protests against climate change? Although it is common to superficially state that protests are full of various emotions, it remains unclear how emotions become collective on the international level and how they ensure the spread of mass mobilization. This research paper examines the process of collectivization of emotions and how it explains mass mobilization in the case of international climate change strikes. This paper raises the question of how the emotional environment was favourably constructed in Greta Thunberg's case in order to mobilize international society to join climate change strikes, and it aims to reveal how group emotions play an important role in successful international mobilization. Based on Sarah Ahmed's theory of cultural politics of emotions and James M. Jasper's theory linking emotions and social movements, it is assumed that specific emotions were circulated to create a distinct emotional environment that inspired the international community to join Thunberg's climate strike. An Emotional Discourse Analysis revealed that Thunberg's speeches are full of emotional potential that provokes reactive emotions such as fear, anger and hope in the global society and establishes an injustice-based framing of the problem as well as the dichotomy between the political elite and the global society. This study contributes to the research field of emotions in international relations by exploring in more depth the collectivization of emotions and expands the theory of cultural politics of emotions to include explanations of international politics phenomena such as mass mobilization.

How do emotions contribute to mobilizing the international community to join massive protests against climate change? Although it is common to superficially state that protests are full of various emotions, it remains unclear how emotions become collective on the international level and how they ensure the spread of mass mobilization. This research paper examines the process of collectivization of emotions and how it explains mass mobilization in the case of international climate change strikes. This paper raises the question of how the emotional environment was favourably constructed in Greta Thunberg's case in order to mobilize international society to join climate change strikes, and it aims to reveal how group emotions play an important role in successful international mobilization. Based on Sarah Ahmed's theory of cultural politics of emotions and James M. Jasper's theory linking emotions and social movements, it is assumed that specific emotions were circulated to create a distinct emotional environment that inspired the international community to join Thunberg's climate strike. An Emotional Discourse Analysis revealed that Thunberg's speeches are full of emotional potential that provokes reactive emotions such as fear, anger and hope in the global society and establishes an injustice-based framing of the problem as well as the dichotomy between the political elite and the global society. This study contributes to the research field of emotions in international relations by exploring in more depth the collectivization of emotions and expands the theory of cultural politics of emotions to include explanations of international politics phenomena such as mass mobilization.