Suchergebnisse

Concludes a text on the potential of social movements to act as agents of social & political change by identifying four recent trends in social movements: (1) establishment of the social movement as a routine institutionalized feature of Western democratic politics; (2) spread of modern social movements in nondemocratic, non-Western settings; (3) creation of a transnational advocacy network in the form of nongovernmental organizations; & (4) development of multiple levels of political authority other than the nation-state to confront & confound protest groups. This last trend obliges protest groups to mobilize at multiple levels, thereby stretching their already scarce resources. The result may be a gradual diminution of the capacity of social movements to transform society & politics. While this conclusion is merely conjecture, it ought to serve as a sobering reminder that social movements must work very hard to maintain their ability to influence social & political life. D. Ryfe

The Japanese & American antinuclear movements are asserted to be overall the most effective antiterrorist organizations by the nuclear restraint because of the pressures from citizen action to stop the deliberate murder of noncombatants. Discussion of the Japanese & American Antinuclear movements traces the events leading to the development of the movements, the decline of oppositional groups due to the anti-nuclear test ban treaty, & the responses to Presidential politics. The efficacy of the organizations is argued to have curbed Truman's & Eisenhower's use of nuclear bombs, encouraged Clinton's signing of the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty(CTBT), & impacted Japan's 1967 Declaration of "three nuclear principles." Both the Us and Japanese movements are concluded to have set limits in an irrational system of armed, competing, nation-states. J. Harwell

This chapter presents three stories of recent events that illustrate three properties of emerging transnational protest: inclusive organization models that favor diversity & issue-linking; social technologies that facilitate decentralized networks & help explain shifts in the scale of coordinated transnational activism; & the political capacities of members to communicate their issues & form effective relationships with the targets of protest. These formulations derive from observations about the growing global social justice movement & its intersection with protests against the US war & occupation of Iraq. A framework is developed for understanding the tensions between & different strategies of today's direct action networks & the more centralized nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) & social movement coalitions that emerged in the earlier era of issue-specific (eg, labor, environment, human rights) transnational activism. Contemporary strategies include less NGO dominance of campaign & policy networks; the evolution of multi-issue organizations (ATTAC in Europe); more direct individual involvement in setting the agenda from below; & the proliferation of permanent campaigns not controlled by NGOs or coalitions. Tables. J. Stanton

Focuses on the contrasting cases of Brazil & Colombia to examine how lower-class movements grounded in liberation theology differ depending on specific national &/or local conditions. Although linking religion & structures of political protest is not a new phenomenon, the emergence of "base communities" (CEBs) in Latin America represents the first time the center of decision making has rested with groups of poor people. However, little attention has been given to the diversity of CEBs in different settings or to the complicated connections between the CEBs & politics. Brazilian CEBs emerged in the late 1960s as progressive models within worldwide Catholic forums. Conversely, Colombia used CEBs to advance the Vatican line & limit grass-roots activism. A discussion of underlying conceptual & theoretical issues is followed by a description of the life histories of two lay activists, one from Brazil & the other from Colombia, to show how the CEBs changed their lives & communities, as well as how national/international differences determined the nature of popular religious attitudes, practices, & organizations in both nations. 62 References. J. Lindroth

Presents an overview of various movements around the world organized in protest against the globalization of capitalism & neoliberal economies. Their anticorporate sentiments are reviewed, along with the alternatives they propose, highlighting an increased concern for workers' rights; they share a vision of participatory democracy at the local level. The role of public demonstrations & nongovernmental organizations in such protest efforts is discussed, & it is argued that more structure is needed to link the various protest efforts in a coherent & connected network. The organizing model employed by the Zapatista National Liberation Army in Mexico is cited as one that can be fruitfully applied in other areas. Problems with defining what would constitute a "more humane form of globalization" are also addressed. 3 Tables, 7 Figures. K. Hyatt Stewart

Offers a general overview of the emergence of women's active participation in grassroots resistance movements in response to the pressures of globalization over the past three decades, both within other major social & political movements & in exclusively female efforts. Focus is on movements directed toward livelihood needs & those aimed at obtaining rights & democracy, particularly among poor women. Originally documented in Latin America & other parts of the South in response to global economic policies & politics, such movements spread to the North to include people of color & low-income, working-class women. The relationship of these movements to feminism & to other forms of collective action is discussed, along with debates over their characterization as protest movements. 15 References. K. Hyatt Stewart

Reflects on the experience of participating in the gay & lesbian protest in San Francisco, CA, against the Persian Gulf War. Gays & lesbians have considerable political clout in San Francisco, especially since 1990, when three of the eight members of the Board of Supervisors were openly gay. Further, because of its experience of organizing in the face of the acquired immune deficiency syndrome epidemic, the gay & lesbian community has developed important skills, resources, & traditions for political activism. However, the mainstream press rarely portrayed the extent of gay & lesbian involvement in the antiwar protest. To become more visible & politically effective, it is suggested that gays & lesbians form larger coalitions with other subordinate groups to express their grievances. The university is an excellent place to mobilize across groups. While it is acknowledged that racism & homophobia pervade the university as they do all institutions in US society, gays & lesbians must work to break down these walls if positive change is to occur. D. M. Smith

The evolution of democratic perspectives regarding social protest & electoral action are discussed in relation to the development of the French Republican Party (FRP) in mid-nineteenth-century France. Although contemporary political theory strictly divides the arenas of electoral politics & social protest movements, it is argued that in historical & contemporary contexts characterized by social & political uncertainty, the boundaries between protest movements & electoral politics are often fluid & overlapping. In nineteenth-century France, early political parties often advanced their claims outside of the political arena & combined disruptive collective action with efforts to elect candidates. The actions of the early FRP also challenge the conception of development, which suggests that powerful social movements eventually evolve into formalized political institutions. Even during periods of increased formalization, the FRP maintained an antiinstitutional stance & emphasized the importance of collective action at the local level. Although the FRP eventually accepted formalized electoral politics & abandoned informal protest strategies, it is suggested that this acceptance was the result of complex institutional & ideological factors rather than an inevitable transition. T. Sevier

Presents an overview of various movements around the world organized in protest against the globalization of capitalism & neoliberal economies. Their anticorporate sentiments are reviewed, along with the alternatives they propose, highlighting an increased concern for workers' rights; they share a vision of participatory democracy at the local level. The role of public demonstrations & nongovernmental organizations in such protest efforts is discussed, & it is argued that more structure is needed to link the various protest efforts in a coherent & connected network. The organizing model employed by the Zapatista National Liberation Army in Mexico is cited as one that can be fruitfully applied in other areas. Problems with defining what would constitute a "more humane form of globalization" are also addressed. 3 Tables, 7 Figures. K. Hyatt Stewart

Compares the popular protest movements in Burma, Indonesia, & the Philippines that led to the ouster of their dictators (Ne Win, Suharto, & Ferdinand Marcos, respectively) & to the rise of democratization processes, 1986-1998. Though the political contexts in which these events occurred were similar, it is demonstrated that movement origins, identities, tactics, & influence varied considerably in each country. The domination & repression strategies utilized by each authoritarian regime are analyzed, along with the patterns of contentious social response they provoked. It is argued that movement capacity & state resilience are contingent on patterns of contention, which are influenced by state repression. The complex relationships between state actors & democracy movements are analyzed, showing how they are critical in shaping the direction & outcome of such movements &, ultimately, regime change, particularly via the formation of interactions among regime defectors, reform-minded elites, & mass society. 1 Table. K. Hyatt Stewart

Compares the popular protest movements in Burma, Indonesia, & the Philippines that led to the ouster of their dictators (Ne Win, Suharto, & Ferdinand Marcos, respectively) & to the rise of democratization processes, 1986-1998. Though the political contexts in which these events occurred were similar, it is demonstrated that movement origins, identities, tactics, & influence varied considerably in each country. The domination & repression strategies utilized by each authoritarian regime are analyzed, along with the patterns of contentious social response they provoked. It is argued that movement capacity & state resilience are contingent on patterns of contention, which are influenced by state repression. The complex relationships between state actors & democracy movements are analyzed, showing how they are critical in shaping the direction & outcome of such movements &, ultimately, regime change, particularly via the formation of interactions among regime defectors, reform-minded elites, & mass society. 1 Table. K. Hyatt Stewart

"Hip Hop movements based on Rap music are spread all over the globe and are also very popular in Africa south of the Sahara. Their contribution to the political change of power in Senegal (2000) as well as in Kenya (2002) is uncontested and well documented. This contribution is going to discuss Hip Hop movements in Africa based on the analysis of Hip Hop lyrics and written documents. It views the Hip Hop movements as parts of African civil societies. While at the beginning the Hip Hop movements were dominated by the children of the urban petty bourgeois in the environment of universities and secondary schools, the social base has extended to the urban lower classes, thus conserving the urban bias (as well as its gender bias). The Hip Hop movements are protest movements of young urban (male) Africans. Although Hip Hop movements are less instrumentalized by the neopatrimonial state than many NGOs, they are threatened as well, as they also depend on economic resources and as one can hardly survive on music in Africa. Especially in French speaking countries, the French Cultural Centers representing the dominant culture, offer foreign assistance. Likewise sometimes other development agencies involve Rap music to raise awareness for their topics. African Rap music is also under pressure to fit into the folkloristic 'world music' scene if the artists want to sell their music abroad; the local market is not sustainable due to low income and piracy. Critical content is restricted in many mass media run by the state, although there is a growing number of private media offering more open platforms. At the moment, the Hip Hop movements are powerful in raising protest, but generally limit themselves to this critical corrective function. Although the stand for different values and norms, they do not present a counter-concept to the neopatrimonial state and are unlikely to become the bases of an alternative society." (author's abstract)